Dramatis Personae

Naka no Ōe（中大兄）

Son of Takara Hime (Saimei Tennō) and Tamura (Jomei Tennō), he was one of the main instigators of the Isshi Incident, where he had the Prime Minister, Soga no Iruka, assassinated in 645, followed immediately by marching on the elder Soga no Emishi, Iruka’s father. Still, he did not take the throne, theoretically because of Confucian concepts of filial piety. Instead, as Crown Prince, he would go on to institute a series of reforms, known as the Taika reforms, and found a new system of bureaucratic government known as the Ritsuryo (律令) state based on continental concepts of governance.

He also oversaw raising troops and sending them to fight the Tang and Silla forces on the Korean peninsula, and when they were defeated, and their ally, Baekje, was destroyed, he went on to settle the Baekje refugees in the archipelago while also building up the defenses from Tsushima island to the capital, which he moved to Ōtsu, on the shores of Lake Biwa.

Besides all of this, he also seems to have had his vices, which some have suggested extended to those of the opposite sex—possibly even his own maternal sister, which was too far even for the Yamato sensibilities at the time. Naka no Ōe’s formal list of spouses includes four consorts as well as four “palace women”, possibly indicating women with whom he fathered children but who were not necessarily of appropriate rank to be the consort of a sovereign.

Fujiwara/Nakatomi no Kamatari (藤原・中臣鎌足)

Nakatomi no Kamatari was older than Naka no Ōe, but nonetheless the two were close. After talking with Naka no Ōe’s uncle, then Prince Karu (later Kōtoku Tennō), Kamatari used a game of kemari to get close to and befriend Naka no Ōe. Together, they studied and plotted to bring down the powerful Soga house, after which Kamatari was given the extraordinary position of “Naijin” or “Naidaijin” (内大臣), the Prime Minister of the Interior. Though not always mentioned as such, he seems to have been an important administrator for almost the entire time that Naka no Ōe was in power, whether as Crown Prince or as sovereign.

Kamatari would become known as the ancestor of the Fujiwara household. He had at least two sons: one of them became a monk, known as Jōe, while the other was known as Fujiwara no Fuhito (or Fubito: 藤原不比等・史). Fuhito was only 11 years old when Kamatari was supposedly given the name “Fujiwara” and then passed away.

Crown Prince Ōama (大海人皇子)

Full brother to Naka no Ōe, Prince Ōama doesn’t show up much until after Takara Hime’s death. He was five years Naka no Ōe’s junior, and named Crown Prince upon his brother’s formal ascension to the throne. He is mostly depicted in the narrative conveying the wishes of his brother and helping to promulgate various changes to the government structure.

Prince Ōtomo (大友皇子)

Prince Ōtomo, also known as Prince Iga (伊賀皇子) was the son of Naka no Ōe and an uneme, or palace woman. He was born in 648, and in 671 he was made the first Dajōdaijin (太政大臣), head of the Council of State (太政官) at roughly 23 years of age.

Prince Kurikuma (栗隈・栗前王)

Prince Kurikuma is said to be a descendant of Nunakura, aka Bidatsu Tennō, through Prince Naniwa. He was appointed as governor of Tsukushi, aka Kyūshū, making him the head of the Dazai, there. Stories of his time in Tsukushi remain in the local traditions.

Soga no Akaye (蘇我赤兄)

Powerful member of the Soga clan from at least the reign of Takara Hime. He is said to have been the son of Soga no Kuramaro, and thus brother to Soga no Kurayamada no Ishikawa no Maro, who had sided with Naka no Ōe and Nakatomi no Kamatari in the Isshi Incident. Later, during Takara Hime’s reign, while he was in an acting supervisory role over the court during the sovereign’s absence, Prince Arima tried to recruit him to betray Takara hime. While they were talking, though, and armrest broke and that caused Akae to reconsider. He had the conspirators arrested and reported the attempted coup up the chain.

Akae was later appointed as governor of Tsukushi, though another source says this was Soga no Toneri. Still, that could just be a different name for the same person. After Nakatomi no Kamatari’s death, he was granted lavish gifts as rewards, and he would later be made Sadaijin, or Minister of the Left (左大臣).

Nakatomi no Kane (中臣金)

An influential of the Nakatomi clan outside of Kamatari’s direct lineage. His branch of the family continued to practice court ritual and carried on the Nakatomi name. They had a kabane rank of “Muraji”, which was, at this point, below the rank of “Omi”. Nonetheless, he was made Udaijin, or Minister of the Right (右大臣). This was one of the two top positions in the court, overseeing many of the ministries of the Council of State.

On the title of “Prince”

In this episode we talk about the death of Prince Ise (伊勢王) and his brother. You may notice that the term for Prince (王) is different from that used in many princely names, above (皇子). So how many ways do we have of saying “Prince”? (NB: There are similar problems with words for “princess” but I’m only going to touch on the one for now):

彦 - Hiko/Biko. This is used in many ancient names and appears to be something like “Prince” or “Lord”. It is often paired with a locative—the name of a particular location—indicating some authority.

皇子 - Miko. Ōji. This is generally reserved for direct descendants of sovereigns.

皇太子 - Kōtaishi. Crown Prince.

王 - Ō. Miko. Kimi. Ōkimi. Straight up, this kanji is often translated as “King” (pronounced “Wang” in Mandarin), but by the time of the Tang dynasty it was probably more like a “prince” in terms of a person with monarchical authority, but below the authority of the Emperor. In the Chronicles it isn’t always clear how it is meant to be used or read. Early on it seems to have the same meaning as “皇子”, but over time they grew apart. Still, as you can see in the words below, it continued to be used for princes over various types. It was also used, though, for the Sovereign, and in that case was probably using the “ōkimi” reading. In the Chronicles, this was replaced uniformly by 天皇, but that term probably didn’t come about until the reign of Naka no Ōe or his successor. It may not have been used prior to the compilation of the Nihon Shoki.

親王 - Shinnō. Miko. Again, a Royal Prince, similar to 皇子. This is a later term, and you’ll notice that it incorporates “王”. It would be used for princes up to the great-grandson.

Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo’s Chronicles of Japan. My name is Joshua and this is episode 128: Immigrants, Princes, and High Officials.
There was a pall over the house, despite the visiting royal retinue creating something of a stir,. While craftspeople were still hard at work repairing damage from the lightning strike only a few months earlier, that wasn’t the reason for the low spirits. Rather, the house was worried for their patriarch, the Naidaijin, Nakatomi no Kamatari. He had fallen ill, and despite all the pleas to the kami and the Buddhas , it seemed the end might be near.
And so even the sovereign himself had come. Kamatari was not just a loyal official, but a close friend of the sovereign, someone who had been there since the beginning. And so we can imagine how Naka no Oe felt. He may have been the sovereign of Yamato, but he was still a human being, visiting his friend of some 30 or so years, knowing that for all of the power that he held, there was nothing he could do against the ravages of time and disease.

The year is 668—Naka no Oe has moved the capital to Ohotsu, on the banks of Lake Biwa, and has formally assumed the throne.
This episode we are going to cover the last several years of Naka no Oe’s reign. In contrast to last week’s dive into Yamato science, this week is going to be a bit of a grab bag, looking at what was going on in Yamato and talking about what was recorded in the Chronicles.
And for the most part, the entries for the rest of the year 668 are fairly normal, and yet there are some oddities…
For instance, in the fourth month we are told that Baekje sent Mitosapu and others to offer tribute. And any other time that would be just a normal thing. Except that at this point in history, Baekje was about as going a concern as a parrot in a Monty Python sketch. So if the Kingdom of Baekje was no longer a thing, who was it that was sending the tribute? Most likely it was the Baekje communities in exile living in the archipelago. Remember how many of them had settled around Biwa and in 666, two thousand Baekje people were settled somewhere in the East. These immigrants were still being supported by the Yamato government, who were basically subsidizing their settlement for the first three years, during which time they would be expected to make it into a permanent settlement.
Based on the way the Chronicles talk about it, these early Baekje communities sound like they were maintaining a kind of kingdom in exile. With many immigrants from Baekje living together in proximity, they were likely keeping their own groups, with their own language and traditions, at least for now. It would be interesting to know if there were specific Baekje settlements that have been identified through the archaeological record.
That said, we definitely see Baekje’s mark on the archipelago: Physically, there are the Baekje style castles, and various temples following Baekje style layouts. Of course there were also continental building styles, but some of that was shared across multiple cultures at this point, and one should consider how much Baekje influence might have been found in things that we later see as Japanese.
Additionally, Baekje nobles were involved in the court, often given court rank based in part on their rank in Baekje, though it wasn’t quite equivalent. Still, in time, some of the nobles would trace their lineages back to Baekje nobles and princes.
Speaking of princes and Baekje, on the fifth day of the fifth month of 668 —a day that would come to be known as Ayame no hi, or Tango no Sekku, one of the major days of court ceremony—Naka no Oe went out hunting on the moor of Kamafu, known today as Gamou district, near Kanzaki, where 400 Baekje people had been settled. He was out there with the Crown Prince, his younger brother, aka Prince Ohoama, and all the other princes and ministers. A grand outing.
A month later, however, tragedy struck. One “Prince Ise” and his younger brother died on consecutive days. While this was undoubtedly a blow to the court, the interesting thing for our purposes – which also highlights the challenge of interpreting the Chronicles is that we aren’t exactly sure who this is referring to. It’s not the first time we’ve seen this title: we first see a “Prince Ise” show up around 650, during the presentation of the white pheasant that ushered in the Hakuho era, but we later see that that individual had passed away in 661. We also see the name show up less than 20 years later in the Chronicles for another prince, so this can’t be the same. So this is clearly a position or title for a prince, but it isn’t clear if it was passed down or inherited.

One possibility is that “Prince Ise” or “Prince of Ise” was a title for one of the royal sons. IAt this point in the narrative, Naka no Oe had three sons. Prince Takeru had passed away at the age of 8, but he also had Prince Kawajima, Prince Shiki, and Prince Iga, aka Prince Ohotomo, all sons of “palace women”. We know, though, that these princes show up later, so I don’t think the so-called Prince Ise was one of them. Perhaps another line?

The term “Prince” might also refer to something other than a royal son. You see, English translators have often been somewhat cavalier with the way we tend to render titles. The English term “Prince” has been used for “Hiko”, “Miko”, or “Ou” (which was probably pronounced “Miko” in many of these cases). And in English, we often think of “Prince” as the son of a king, but “Prince” can also be an independent ruler of a principality, or may just refer to a person with power in a monarchic state. Even the term “king” is not unambiguous—early European accounts of Japan during the Warring States period often refer to the various daimyou as “kings”, given the often absolute dominion with which they apparently ruled their particular domains.
At this time, the term “Miko” (also pronounced “ouji”, or “koushi”, or even “sume-miko”) seems rather unambiguously to refer to a “royal prince”, from the lineage of the sovereign. The term “Ou”, which also seems to be read as “Miko” in some cases, is also the term for “King” and probably more broadly fits the concept of a “prince” as a ruler. However, in this case, it seems to be equal to the term “Miko”, and may have been used almost interchangeably for a time, though later it would be used to refer to members of princely rank who were not directly related to a reigning sovereign—the grandchildren and so forth of royal princes who did not go on to inherit.
In this case, I think the best we can say for certain is that Prince Ise—or the Prince of Ise—was someone important enough to be included in the chronicles – but who he was, exactly, will remain a mystery for now.
The following month, the 7th month, was chock full of activities. First of all, Goguryeo sent envoys by way of Koshi—meaning they landed on the Japan Sea side, probably around Tsuruga. While this may just have been closer, I suspect it meant they avoided any Tang entanglements traveling through the Bohai sea. They did run into a spot of trouble, however, as the winds and waves prevented their return.
Koshi also shows up as presenting some strange gifts to the court: burning earth and burning water. There is some thought that maybe this is something like coal or natural oil deposits.
We are also told that in this month, Prince Kurikuma was appointed the governor of Tsukushi. Kurikuma no Ou appears to have been the grandson—or possibly great-grandson—of the sovereign, Nunakura, aka Bidatsu Tennou. The position Kurikuma was given was important, of course, overseeing the Dazai, which meant overseeing anyone traveling to the archipelago from the continent.
This would be a relatively short-lived appointment—this time. He would be re-appointed about three years later, which would prove important, as he would be governor there during some particularly momentous events.    Stories appear to have continued about him in the Nagasaki region, and various families traced their lineage back to him.
Also in that month, we are told that Afumi, home of the new capital, practiced military exercises—likely in preparation in case of a future Tang or Silla invasion. Recall we discussed in Episode 126 how the choice of Afumi as a capital site might have been related to its defensibility in the event of such an invasion.
At the same time, the court entertained Emishi envoys, and the toneri, by royal command, held banquets in various places.
There is also mention of a shore-pavillion, presumably at Lake Biwa, where fish of various kinds came, covering the water. Interestingly enough, there is another story of a “shore pavilion”, likely the same one, in the Fujiwara Family Record, the Toushi Kaden. We are told that Prince Ohoama – Naka no Oe’s younger brother spiked a large spear through a plank of wood in some kind of feat of strength. This apparently shocked Naka no Oe, who saw it aa kind of threat—perhaps seeing that his five-years younger brother was still hale and healthy. Granted, Naka no Oe was only in his 40s, but his brother Ohoama was in his later 30s. We are also told that at this time, in 668, Naka no Oe was apparently not doing so well, with people wondering if he would be with them much longer.
The Toshi Kaden account seems rather surprising in that it claims Naka no Oe was so shocked by this proof of his brother’s vitality that he wanted to have him put to death, suggesting to me that he felt that Ohoama might be a threat to him and his rule. Ultimately, though, he was talked out of this by his old friend, Nakatomi no Kamatari – the one whom he had plotted with to overthrow the Soga, and whose relationship was initiated by an interaction on the kemari field, as we discussed in Episode 106.
Speaking of whom: Nakatomi no Kamatari was still Naijin, the Inner or Interior Minister, and so quite prominent in the administration. In the 9th month, as a Silla envoy was visiting the court, Kamatari sent Buddhist priests Hoben and Shinpitsu to present a ship to the Prime Minister of Silla, which was given to the Silla envoy and his companions, and three days later, Fuse no Omi no Mimimaro was sent with a ship meant for the King of Silla as well.
This incident is also recounted in the Toshi Kaden. In this case it says that the people, hearing about the gifts to Silla, were quite upset. After all, it stands to reason: Yamato was still smarting from their defeat at the hands of Tang and Silla forces, and building up defenses in case of an attack. They’d also taken in a number of Baekje nobles and families, who may have also had some influence on the court. We are told that Kamatari himself excused all of this by stating that “All under heaven must be the sovereign’s land. The guests within its borders must be the sovereign’s servants.” In this case, all under heaven, or “Tenka”, is a common phrase used to describe a monarch’s sovereignty over everything in the land. And so, while Silla envoys were in Yamato as guests, they also fell under similar rules, and as such were considered, at least by Yamato, as the sovereign’s servants and thus worthy of gifts.
The Silla envoys stayed for over a month. They finally departed by the 11th month of 668, carrying even more gifts, including silk and leather for the King and various private gifts for the ambassadors themselves. The court even sent Chimori no Omi no Maro and Kishi no Woshibi back with the envoy as Yamato envoys to the Silla court.
This all tells us that just as the Tang were working to woo Yamato, Silla was likely doing so as well. And while Yamato might still begrudge the destruction of Baekje, they also had to face the political reality that Baekje was probably not going to be reinstated again—especially not while the Tang government was occupying the peninsula. So making nice with both Tang and Silla was prudent.
Furthermore, though they had been visited by Goguryeo envoys earlier that year, Yamato may have had some inkling that Goguryeo was not in the most powerful position. Ever since the death of Yeon Gaesomun, the Goguryeo court had been involved in infighting—as well as fighting their external enemies. One of Gaesomun’s sons had been exiled and had gone over to the Tang, no doubt providing intelligence as well as some amount of legitimacy. What they may not have known was that as Yamato was hosting the Silla envoys, a new assault by the Tang-Silla alliance was advancing on Pyongyang and setting siege to the city. The Nihon Shoki records that in the 10th month of 668 Duke Ying, the Tang commander-in-chief, destroyed Goguryeo.
This would dramatically change the international political landscape. Tang and Silla had been triumphant—Yamato’s allies on the peninsula had been defeated, and what we know as the “Three Kingdoms” period of the Korean peninsula was over. However, the situation was still fluid. The peninsula was not unified by any sense of the imagination. The Tang empire had their strategic positions from which they controlled parts of the peninsula and from which they had been supplying the war effort against Goguryeo. They also likely had to occupy areas to ensure that nobody rose up and tried to reconstitute the defeated kingdoms. In fact, there would be continued attempts to revive Goguryeo, as might be indicated in the name we use: by the 5th century, the country was actually using the name “Goryeo”, a shortened form of “Goguryeo”, but we continue to refer to it as “Goguryeo” to distinguish it from the country of the same name that would be established in 918, laying claim to that ancient Goguryeo identity.
A bit of spoilers, but “Goryeo” is where we would eventually get the name that we know the region by, today: “Korea”. In the Nihon Shoki it is referred to as “Gaori”.
But none of that could have been known at the time. Instead, there was no doubt some exuberance on the side of both Silla and Tang, but that would settle into something of unease. With Baekje and Goguryeo destroyed, Silla may have thought that Tang would leave, allowing them to solidify their hold and manage those territories as an ally. If this is what they thought, though, I’m not sure they had run it by the Tang empire just yet.
In the Yamato court, there appear to have been separate factions: a pro-Tang faction, and also a pro-Silla faction. We have to assume, based on the actions in the record at this time, that this was a ongoing debate.
The last thing I’ll note for the year 668 is attempted theft. The Buddhist priest Dougyou stole Kusanagi, the famous sword forming part of the imperial regalia, and escaped with it. Kusanagi, you may recall, was the royal sword. It was named “Kusanagi” or “grass cutter” because it is said that when Prince Yamato Takeru was subduing the eastern lands, he was surrounded in a field that had been set on fire, and he used Kusanagi to create a firebreak by cutting down all of the grass around him. The sword was given to him by Yamato Hime, the Ise Princess at the time, and it was thought to have been first found by the god Susanowo inside of the legendary Yamata no Orochi. We talked about this in Episodes 16, 34, and 35. Yamato Takeru left the sword in Owari, and it would eventually live there, at Atsuta Jingu, Atsuta Shrine, its traditional home.
It isn’t clear if Dougyou obtained the sword from Owari or if it was being kept in the capital at the time. It would have likely been brought out for Naka no Oe’s coronation, but then it would probably have been returned to the shrine that was holding it. Dougyou tried to head to Silla with his illicit goods, but wind and rain forced him to turn back around. This is a fascinating story and there’s a lot to dive into here.
So first off, let’s point out that this is supposed to be a Buddhist priest. What the heck was going on that he was going to try to run a heist on what are essentially the Crown Jewels of the Yamato crown? While the sword, mirror, and jewel were still somewhat questionable as the sole three regalia, they were clearly important.
We aren’t given Dougyou’s motives. We don’t know enough about him. Was he anti-Yamato or anti-Naka no Oe? Was he actually a Buddhist priest of his own accord, or was he a priest because he was one of those who had been essentially conscripted into religious orders on behalf of some powerful noble? Was he a Buddhist who wanted to attack the hold of the kami? Was he pro-Silla, or perhaps even a Silla descendant, trying to help Silla? Or was he just a thief who saw the sword, Kusanagi, as a valuable artifact that could be pawned outside of Yamato?
That last possibility feels off. While we aren’t exactly sure what Kusanagi looked like, based on everything we know, the sword itself wasn’t necessarily blinged out in a way that would make it particularly notable on the continent.

And if Dougyou and whoever his co-conspirators were just wanted to attack the Yamato government, why didn’t he just dump Kusanagi in the see somewhere? He could have destroyed it or otherwise gotten rid of it in a way that would have embarrassed the government.
It seems mostly likely that this theft had something to do with pro-Silla sentiment, as if Silla suddenly showed up with the sword, I imagine that would have been some diplomatic leverage on the Yamato court, as they could have held it hostage. In any case, the plan ultimately failed, though the Chronicles claim it was only because the winds were against him—which was likely seen as the kami themselves defending Yamato.
On to a new year. At the start of 669, Prince Kurikuma (who we mentioned above) was recalled to the capital and Soga no Akaye was appointed governor of Tsukushi.
We mentioned Akaye a couple of episodes back. He was involved in the broken arm-rest incident, where Prince Arima was plotting against Takara Hime, aka Saimei Tennou, and Akaye’s daughter Hitachi no Iratsume, was one of the formal wives of Naka no Oe, who would give birth to the princess Yamabe.
Now Akaye was given the position of governor of Tsukushi.
This position is an interesting one throughout Japanese history. In many ways it is a viceroy—the governor of Tsukushi has to effectively speak with the voice of the sovereign as the person responsible for overseeing any traffic to and from the continent. This also was likely a highly lucrative position, only handed out to trusted individuals.
However, it also meant that you were outside of the politics of the court. Early on that was probably less of a concern. At this time, court nobles were likely still concerned with their traditional lands, which created their economic base, meaning that the court may have been the political center, but there was still plenty of ways to gain power in the archipelago and it wasn’t solely through the court. Over time, as more and more power accrued to the central court government, that would change. Going out to manage a government outpost on the far end of the archipelago—let alone just going back to manage one’s own estates—would be tantamount to exile.
But for now, without a permanent city built up around the palace, I suspect that being away from the action in the capital wasn’t quite as detrimental compared to the lucrative nature of a powerful position. Later, we will see how that flips on its head, especially with the construction of capitals on the model of those like Chang’an.
For now, new governor Soga no Akaye was likely making the most of his position. On that note, in the third month of 669, Tamna sent their prince Kumaki with envoys and tribute. They would have come through Tsukushi, and Soga no Akaye likely enjoyed some benefits as they were entertained while waiting for permission to travel the rest of the way down to the Yamato capital.
The Tamna embassy did not exactly linger at the court. They arrived on the 11th of the 3rd month, and left one week—seven days—later, on the 18th. Still, they left with a gift of seed-grain made to the King of Tamna.
On their way out, they likely would have again stopped in at Tsukushi for provisions and to ensure that all of their business was truly concluded before departing.
A couple of months later, on the 5th day of the 5th month, we see another hunting party by Naka no Oe. This seems to have been part of the court ritual of the time for this ceremonial day. This time it was on the plain of Yamashina. It was attended by his younger brother, Crown Prince Ohoama, as well as someone called “Fujiwara no Naidaijin” and all of the ministers.
“Fujiwara no Naidaijin” is no doubt Nakatomi no Kamatari. This is an interesting slip by the Chroniclers, and I wonder if it gives us some insight into the source this record came from. Kamatari was still known as Nakatomi at the time, and was still the Naidaijin, so it is clear they were talking about him. But historically his greatest reputation is as the father of the Fujiwara family, something we will get to in time. That said, a lot of the records in this period refer to him as “Fujiwara”. We’ve seen this previously—because the records were being written later they were often using a more common name for an individual, rather than the name—including title—that the individual actually would have borne at the time of the record.
This really isn’t that different from the way we often talk about the sovereigns using their posthumous names.   Naka no Oe would not have been known as “Tenji Tennou” during his reign. That wouldn’t be used until much later. And yet, many history books will, understandably, just use the name “Tenji” because it makes it clear who is being talked about.
This hunting trip is not the only time we see the name “Fujiwara” creep into the Chronicles a little earlier than accurate: we are told that only a little later, the house of “Fujiwara” no Kamatari was struck by lightning.
But that wasn’t the only tragedy waiting in the wings. Apparently, Kamatari was not doing so well, and on the 10th day of the 10th month, his friend and sovereign, Naka no Oe, showed up to pay his respects and see how he was doing.
Ever since that fateful game of kemari—Japanese kickball—the two had been fast friends. Together they envisioned a new state. They overthrew the Soga, and changed the way that Japan even conceived of the state, basing their new vision off continental ideas of statehood, governance, and sovereignty. Now, Kamatari was gravely ill.
What happens next is likely of questionable veracity Sinceit is unlikely that someone was there writing down the exact words that were exchanged, but the Chronicles record a conversation between the sovereign and his ill friend. And the words that the Chroniclers put in their mouths were more about the image that they wanted to project.
According to them, Naka no Oe praised his friend, and asked if there was anything that he could do. Kamatari supposedly eschewed anything special for burial arrangements. He supposedly said “While alive I did no service for my country at war; why, then, should I impose a heavy burden on it when I am dead?” Hard to know if he actually felt like that or not, or if thr Chroniclers were likening him to Feng Yi of the Han dynasty, the General of the Great Tree. He was so-called because he would often find a tree to take time to himself. He likewise was renowned for his dislike of ostentation, much like Kamatari foregoing a fancy burial mound.
Five days later, Naka no Oe sent Crown Prince Ohoama to Kamatari’s house to confer on him the cap of Dai-shiki, and the rank of Oho-omi. They also conferred on him and his family a new surname: Fujiwara, and so he became Fujiwara no Daijin, the Fujiwara Great Minister. The next day he died. One source known as the Nihon Seiki, said that he was 50 years old, but according to the Chronicles there was an inscription on his tomb that stated he died at age 55.
Three days later, we are told that Naka no Oe went to the house of the now late Fujiwara no Naidaijin, and gave orders to Soga no Akaye no Omi, declaring to him his gracious will and bestowing on him a golden incense-burner. This is somewhat odd, because as we were just talking about, Soga no Akaye had been appointed governor of Tsukushi, though the Toshi Kaden claims that it was actually Soga no Toneri who was in Tsukushi—but these could also mean the same people. Why this happened right after Kamatari’s death suggests to me that Soga no Akaye may have had something to do with the arrangements for Kamatari’s funeral or something similar.
Let’s talk about this whole incident. There are many that think the Nihon Shoki has things a bit out of order, and on purpose. Specifically, it is quite likely that the name “Fujiwara” was actually granted after Kamatari’s death, and not on the day of, as it has here. He may even have been posthumously elevated. But since the Fujiwara family would go on to be quite powerful, the order of events and how they were recorded would have been very important in the 8th century.
By naming Kamatari’s line the Fujiwara, the court were effectively severing it from the rest of the Nakatomi. The Nakatomi family would continue to serve as court ritualists, but the Fujiwara family would go on to much bigger and better things. This change also likely meant that any inheritance of Kamatari’s would go to his direct descendants, and that a brother or cousin couldn’t necessarily just take over as the head of the household. So it’s very possible that this “setting apart” of the Fujiwara family immediately upon Kamatari’s death is a later fiction, encouraged by the rising Fujiwara themselves, in an attempt to keep others from hanging on to their coat tails, as it were.
Also a quick note about the idea that there was an inscription on Kamatari’s tomb. This is remarkable because so far, we have not actually found any such markers or tombstones on burials prior to this period. We assume that they would have been stone or wood markers that were put up by a mound to let you know something about the person who was buried there. Over time, most of these likely wore away. But it is interesting to think that the practice may have had older roots.
The death of Kamatari wasn’t the only tragedy that year. We are also told that in the 12th month there was a fire in the Treasury, and that the temple of Ikaruga—known to us as Houryuuji, the temple built by Shotoku Taishi—also was burnt. It isn’t said how bad, but only three months later, in 670, another fire struck during a thunderstorm, and we are told that everything burned down—nothing was left.
That said, it seems that they may have been able to reuse some of the materials. I say this because an analysis of the main pillar of the pagoda in the western compound suggests that the tree it came from was felled in 594.
The rest of 699 included some less dramatic events. For instance, in the 8th month, Naka no Oe climbed to the top of Takayasu, where he took advice as to how to repair the castle there. The castle had been built only a couple of years earlier, but already needed repairs. However, the initial repair project had been abandoned because the labor costs were too much. The repairs were still needed, though, and they carried out the work four months later in the 12th month, and again in the 2nd month of the following year, and that stores of grain and salt were collected, presumably to stock the castle in case they had to withstand a siege.
I suspect that the “cost” of repairing the castle was mostly that it was the 8th month, and the laborers for the work would have to be taken away from the fields. By the 12th month, I can only assume that those same laborers would be free from their other duties.
Speaking of costs, sometimes the Chronicles really make you wonder what was going through the mind of the writers, because they noted that the Land-tax of the Home Provinces was collected. Maybe this was the first time it had actually been instituted? I don’t know. It just seems an odd thing to call out.
There was also 700 more men from Baekje removed and settled in Kamafu—Gamou District—in Afumi. And then there was a Silla embassy in the 9th month, and at some point in the year Kawachi no Atahe no Kujira and others were sent to the Tang court. In response, an embassy from the Tang to Yamato brought 2000 people with them, headed by Guo Wucong, who I really hope was getting some kind of premiere cruiser status for all of his trips.
The following year, 700, started out with a great archery meeting, arranged within the palace gate. I presume this to mean that they had a contest. Archery at this time—and even for years to come—was prized more highly than even swordplay. After all, archery was used both in war and on the hunt. It is something that even the sage Confucius suggested that people should practice. It is also helpful that they could always shoot at targets as a form of competition and entertainment.
Later, on the 14th day of the 1st month, Naka no Oe promulgated new Court ceremonial regulations, and new laws about people giving way on the roads. This rule was that those of lower status should get out of the way of those of higher status. Funnily enough, in the description of Queen Himiko’s “Yamateg”, back in the 3rd century, this was also called out as a feature of the country. It is possible that he was codifying a local tradition, or that the tradition actually goes back to the continent, and that the Wei Chroniclers were projecting such a rule onto the archipelago. I’m honestly not sure which is which. Or perhaps they expanded the rules and traditions already in place. There were also new laws about prohibiting “heedless slanders and foul falsehoods”, which sounds great, but doesn’t give you a lot to go on.
The law and order theme continues in the following month. A census was taken and robbers and vagabonds were suppressed. Naka no Oe also visited Kamafu, where he had settled a large number of the Baekje people, and inspected a site for a possible future palace. He also had castles built in Nagato in Tsukushi, along the route of any possible invasion from the Korean peninsula.
In the third month, we have evidence of the continued importance of kami worship, when they laid out places of worship close to Miwi mountain and distributed offerings of cloth. Nakatomi no Kane no Muraji pronounced the litany. Note that it is Nakatomi no Muraji—as we mentioned, the Nakatomi would continue to be responsible for ceremonial litany while the Imibe, or Imbe, family would be responsible for laying out the various offerings. Miwi would seem to be the same location as Miidera, aka Onjou-ji, but Miidera wouldn’t be founded for another couple of years.
In the 9th month of 670, Adzumi no Tsuratari, an accomplished ambassador by this point, travelled to Silla. Tsuratari had been going on missions during the reign of Takara Hime, both to Baekje and to the lands across the “Western Seas”. While we don’t exactly know what transpired, details like this can help us try to piece together something of the relative importance of the mission.
In the last entry for 670, we are told that water-mills were made to smelt iron. If you are wondering how that works, it may have been that the waterwheel powered trip hammers—it would cause the hammer to raise up until it reached a point where it would fall. Not quite the equivalent of a modern power hammer, it still meant that fewer people were needed for the process, and they didn’t have to stop just because their arms got tired.
The following year, 671, got off to a grand start, with a lot of momentous events mentioned in just the first month of the year.
First off, on the 2nd day of the first month, Soga no Akaye – now back from his stint as governor of Tsukushi - and Kose no Hito advanced in front of the palace and offered their congratulations on the new year.
Three days later, on the 5th day, Nakatomi no Kane, who had provided the litany at Miwi, made an announcement on kami matters.    Then the court made official appointments. Soga no Akaye was made the Sadaijin, or Prime Minister of the Left, and Nakatomi no Kane was made Prime Minister of the Right. Soga no Hatayasu, Kose no Hito, and Ki no Ushi were all made daibu, or high ministers. On top of this, Naka no Ohoe’s son, Prince Ohotomo, was appointed as Dajodaijin.
“Dajodaijin” is a new position that we haven’t seen yet, and it is one of those positions that would only show up on occasion. It is effectively a Prime Prime Minister. They were considered superior to both the ministers of the left and the right, but didn’t exactly have a particular portfolio. The Ministers of the Left and the Right each had ministries under them that they were responsible for managing. Those ministries made up the Daijo-kan, or the Council of State. The Dajodaijin, or Daijodaijin, was basically the pre-eminent position overseeing the Council of State.
I suspect that the Dajodaijin seems to have been the evolution of the Naidaijin, but on steroids. Nakatomi no Kamatari had administered things as Naidaijin from within the royal household, but the Dajodaijin was explicitly at the head of the State. Of course, Prince Ohotomo was the son of Naka no Oe himself, and the fact that he was only 23 years old and now put in a place of prominence over other ministers who were quite likely his senior, is remarkable. I wonder how much he actually was expected to do, and how much it was largely a ceremonial position, but it nonetheless placed Ohotomo just below his uncle, Crown Prince Ohoama, in the overall power structure of the court.
Speaking of which, following the new appointments, on the 6th day of the year, Crown Prince Ohoama promulgated regulations on the behalf of his brother, Naka no Oe. There was also a general amnesty declared, and the ceremonial and names of the cap-ranks were described in what the Chronicles calls the Shin-ritsu-ryo, the New Laws.
Towards the end of the first month, there were two embassies, both from now-defunct kingdoms. The first was from Goguryeo, who reportedly sent someone named Karu and others with Tribute on the 9th day, and 4 days later, Liu Jenyuan, the Tang general for Baekje sent Li Shouchen and others to present a memorial. I’m not sure if the Goguryeo envoys were from a government in exile or from a subjugated kingdom under Tang and Silla domination. The Tang general in Baekje was a little more transparent. That said, that same month we are told that more than 50 Baekje nobles were given Yamato court rank, perhaps indicating that they were being incorporated more into the Yamato court and, eventually, society as a whole. That said, the remains of the Baekje court sent Degu Yongsyeon and others with tribute the following month.
This is also the year that Naka no Oe is said to have placed the clepsydra or water clock in a new pavilion. We talked about this significance of this last episode. We are also told that on the third day of the third month, Kibumi no Honjitsu presented a “water level”, a Mizu-hakari. This would seem to be what it sounds like: A way of making sure that a surface is level using water.
There is also mention of the province of Hitachi presenting as “tribute” Nakatomibe no Wakako. He was only 16 years old, and yet we are told he was only one and a half feet in height—one shaku six sun, more appropriately. Assuming modern conversions, that would have put him approximately the same height as Chandra Dangi of Nepal, who passed away in 2015 but who held the Guiness World Record for the world’s shortest person at 21.5”—or 54 centimeters. So it isn’t impossible.
The fact that he is called “Nakatomibe” suggests that he was part of the family, or -Be group, that served the Nakatomi court ritualists. Unfortunately, he was probably seen more as an oddity than anything else at the time. Still, how many people from that time are not remembered at all, in any extant record? And yet we have his name, which is more than most.
In the following month, we are also told that Tsukushi reported a deer that had been born with eight legs. Unfortunately, the poor thing died immediately, which is unfortunately too often the case.
And then the fifth day of the fifth month rolled around again. This year there was no hunting, but instead Naka no Oe occupied the “Little Western Palace” and the Crown Prince and all of the ministers attended him. We are told that two “rustic” dances were performed—presumably meaning dances of some local culture, rather than those conforming to the art standards passed down from the continent. As noted earlier, this day would be one of the primary ceremony days of the later court.
The following month, we are told that there was an announcement in regards to military measures requested by the messengers from the three departments of Baekje, and later the Baekje nobles sent Ye Chincha and others to bring tribute. Once again, what exactly this means isn’t clear, but it is interesting to note that there were three “departments” of Baekje. It is unclear if this was considered part of the court, or if this was Baekje court in exile managing their own affairs as a guest in Yamato.
It is also interesting that they seem to have been traveling to the Yamato court while Li Shouchen was still there, sent by the Tang general overseeing Baekje. That must have been a bit of an awkward meeting. We are told that they all took their departure together on the 11th day of the 7th month. Does that mean they left with the Tang envoy? Was the Tang inviting some of them to come back? Or just that they all left the court at the same time.
The same month, Prince Kurikuma was once more made Governor of Tsukushi—or possibly made governor the first time, depending on whether or not you think the Chronicles are accurate or that they pulled the same event twice from different sources. We are also told that Silla sent envoys with gifts that included a water buffalo and a copper pheasant for the sovereign.
The 8th month of the year, we hear that Karu of Goguryeo and his people took their leave after a seven month long visit. The court also entertained the Emishi. Two months later, Silla sent Kim Manmol and others with more tribute, but this envoy likely found a different feeling at court.
And that is because on the 18th day of the 8th month, the sovereign of Yamato, Naka no Oe, took to his bed, ill. There was a ceremony to open the eyes of 100 Buddhas in the interior of the palace, and Naka no Oe sent messengers to offer to the giant Buddha of Houkouji a kesa, a golden begging-bowl, an ivory tusk, aloeswood, sandalwood, and various objects of value, but despite any spiritual merit that may have accrued, it didn’t seem to work. Naka no Oe’s illness continued to grow more serious. He would continue to struggle for another two months, until, on the 3rd day of the twelfth month, Naka no Oe, aka Tenji Tennou, sovereign of Yamato, passed away.
For all that we should be careful to avoid the “Great Man” theory of history, it is nonetheless hard to deny that Naka no Oe had an incredible impact on the country in his days. From start to finish, while one could argue that many of the reforms were simply a matter of time as the archipelago absorbed more and more ideas from across the straits, Naka no Oe found himself in the middle of those reforms. The Yamato State would never be the same, and he oversaw the birth of the Ritsuryo state, a new state nominally based on laws and rules, rather than just tradition. It may not be entirely clear, but he also helped inculcate a new sense of the power of the sovereign and of the state, introducing new cultural imaginaries. Yamato’s reach wasn’t just vague boasting, but by instituting the bureaucratic state they were able to actually expand the reach of the court farther than any time before.
And through those changes, Naka no Oe had, in one way or another, been standing at the tiller. Now, he was gone, as were many of his co-conspirators in this national project. Which leaves us wondering: What comes next?
Well, we’ll get to that, but not right now. For now, let us close this episode with Naka no Oe’s own end.   Next episode, we can get into the power struggles that followed, culuminating in an incident known as the Jinshin no Ran: The Jinshin war.
Until then, thank you once again for listening and for all of your support.
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And that’s all for now. Thank you again, and I’ll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo’s Chronicles of Japan.

References

Bauer, M. (2020). The History of the Fujiwara House: A Study and Annotated Translation of the Tōshi Kaden. Amsterdam University Press.
https://doi.org/10.1017/9781912961191.
Kuramoto, Kazuhiro (2007). 壬申の乱. 吉川弘文館. ISBN 978-4-642-06312-8.
Aston, W. G. (1972). Nihongi, chronicles of Japan from the earliest times to A.D. 697. London: Allen & Unwin. ISBN0-80480984-4.