Episode 30: Yamato and the Continent

December 1, 2020 Joshua Badgley

These bronze spirals, which in this case come from Gimhae—what was once part of Gaya—in the 4th C, have been suggested as shield ornaments, though in truth nobody is quite sure what they were used for. They are representative, though, of the shared… — These bronze spirals, which in this case come from Gimhae—what was once part of Gaya—in the 4th C, have been suggested as shield ornaments, though in truth nobody is quite sure what they were used for. They are representative, though, of the shared forms and patterns between the peninsula and the archipelago as part of what Gina Barnes calls the Pen/Insular Culture. Similar spirals are found elsewhere in Japan, including at Yoshinogari, from about the 1st-2nd centuries. From the Seoul National Museum, photo by author.

This episode we start to move on into the latter part of the 3rd century, with Mimaki Iribiko’s successor, Ikume Iribiko. This episode deals with the state of the continent and the peninsula as we get one (or possibly more) visitors from those lands. We also tackle the sticky question about “Mimana” and the claims of a Japanese colony on the peninsula, which were used to justify Japanese involvement in the peninsula in the 20th century. Most of the info is in the episode, but I’ll try to lay out a few things here.

About “Kara” v. “Gaya”

So many names of things on the peninsula have changed over the years, largely because of how things were recorded. The first system of writing that was used was Sinitic writing, just as in Japan, and so the characters used were not strictly phonetic. Korea would develop its own phonetic alphabet, Hangul, just as Japan would develop katakana and hiragana, but not until much later. The early chronicles were all written with Chinese characters, and so their pronunciation is typically something debated as linguists attempt to reconstruct the old pronunciations. In general what we know today as Gaya was probably pronounced something like “Garak”, “Gara”, or even “Kara” in its own time. In much of east Asia, voiced and unvoiced consonants can be almost interchangeable, with aspiration playing a more important role, which is almost reversed from English. This can make it hard to always see the relationships between things.

As for the relationship in Japanese—as I mention in the podcast, we have various things referring to the continent that all get a “kun’yomi” reading of “Kara”. So for instance you can find 漢・唐・観 all as “Kara”, when these characters represent, respectively, the Han Dynasty (KAN), the Tang Dynasty (TOU), and Korea (KAN). Basically anything that came from the continent through the peninsula was pronounced in the same way as “Gara” or “Garak”, which was spelled in various ways including: 加羅, 伽羅, 迦羅, 柯羅, 駕洛, 迦落.

And while we are talking about potentially confusing homophones in the text, I think that we should have a talk about “Han”. I believe I mentioned this before about the fact that we have the “Han” dynasty and then we have the “Samhan” or the three Han. It is quite confusing, but the truth is that these are different words that sound the same but use different characters. So for instance you have 漢 or 汉, which are both pronounced “Han” in modern Putonghua dialect of Chinese, and which refer to either the Han dynasty or, today, the ethnic Han people—the majority ethnicity of modern China. Then you have 韓, which is also pronounced “Han” in Chinese and Korean, and it is used to refer to Korea (the modern name of the Republic of Korea is Daehan Minguk: 大韓民國), but its original use appears to have been in referring to the three Han of the Korean Peninsula. To even further complicate matters, in Japanese both are pronounced with the same On’yomi of “KAN”.

So this has two problems. First is determining when we are talking about the ethnic Han of China, to which some might just suggest that we call them “Chinese”. However, not all of the dynasties of the area that we know as China were ethnically Han. Many of them descended from different ethnic roots. Even the Tang dynasty was not considered an ethnic Han dynasty, and neither was the more recent Qing dynasty—and we aren’t even talking about the Mongolian Yuan. On top of that, we should be careful of conflating modern states and political entities with previous states or governments, especially in an area as diverse as East Asia.

Even on the peninsula, which is only a fraction of the size of the rest of the continent, we know that there were a variety of cultures mixing and mingling, and a variety of languages that were being spoken.

Duck Shaped Vessels

These duck-shaped vessels were popular in the areas that would become Gaya and Silla prior to the Three Kingdoms period. From the Seoul National Museum, photo by author.

Duck shaped vessels

These duck-shaped vessels were popular in the areas that would become Gaya and Silla prior to the Three Kingdoms period. From the Seoul National Museum, photo by author.

Glass Beadmold, 1C-3C

Mold for making glass beads on the peninsula. From the Seoul National Museum. Photo by author.

Ritual Artifact with Birds 3C-4C

Bronze ritual artifact from Goseong showing a pair of birds. Birds were an important part of the spiritual and religious life of the peninsula in early days, and even today you can find sotdae—poles topped with birds—in the Korean countryside.

Bronze TLV Mirror, 4C

From Gimhae, which also has a set of “royal” tombs that appear in the 3rd C. Bronze mirrors, originally acquired from the Han and later dynasties, were not only prestige items in the archipelago, but on the continent as well. From the Seoul National Museum, photo by author.

Bronze Spearhead 2C-3C

Bronze socketed spearhead from Gimhae around the time that the Gaya states were forming. From the Seoul National Museum, photo by author.

Japanese Bronze Spirals 1C-3C

Bronze spiral ornaments from Japan.. From the Tokyo National, photo by author.

Magatama and other Jewelry

Examples of magatama (the comma shaped jewel) on the Korean peninsula. This design may have originated in the archipelago and then traveled west, demonstration cultural borrowing in both directions. From the Seoul National Museum, photo by author.

W. Jin Soldier, 3C

A statue of a soldier from the Western Jin, about the 3rd Century. From the Tokyo National Museum, photo by author.

References

Barnes, G. (2015). Archaeology of East Asia: The Rise of Civilization in China, Korea and Japan. Oxbow Books. Retrieved November 30, 2020, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt19893vd
Ō, Yasumaro, & Heldt, G. (2014). The Kojiki: An account of ancient matters. ISBN978-0-231-16389-7
Vovin, Alexander (2013). "From Koguryǒ to T’amna*: Slowly riding to the South with speakersof Proto-Korean." Korean LInguistics 15:2. John Benjamins Publishing Company. doi:10.1075/kl.15.2.03vov
Barnes, Gina L. (2007). State Formation in Japan: Emergence of a 4th-Century Ruling Elite. Routlede. ISBN 9780415596282
Bentley, John. (2006). The Authenticity of Sendai Kuji Hongi: a New Examination of Texts, with a Translation and Commentary. ISBN-90-04-152253
Soumaré, Massimo (2007), Japan in Five Ancient Chinese Chronicles: Wo, the Land of Yamatai, and Queen Himiko. ISBN: 978-4-902075-22-9
Kidder, J. Edward (2007), Himiko and Japan's Elusive Chiefdom of Yamatai: Archaeology, History, and Mythology. ISBN: 978-0824830359
Barnes, Gina L. (1988). Protohistoric Yamato: Archaeology of the First Japanese State. ISBN 0-915703-11-4
Chamberlain, B. H. (1981). The Kojiki: Records of ancient matters. Rutland, Vt: C.E. Tuttle Co. ISBN4-8053-0794-3
Aston, W. G. (1972). Nihongi, chronicles of Japan from the earliest times to A.D. 697. London: Allen & Unwin. ISBN0-80480984-4
Philippi, D. L. (1968). Kojiki. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. ISBN4-13-087004-1

Episode 29: The August Founder

November 16, 2020 Joshua Badgley

Artist’s interpretation of the 10th sovereign, Sujin

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This episode, we cover the rest of Mimaki Iribiko’s reign in the Chronicles and discuss a little more about what actual context may have looked like around that time—assuming his chronicle is talking about around the 3rd century, about the time of Queen Himiko.

To start with, let’s look at some of the connections I suggested with the Chronicles:

The Ministers of Yamato:

Kanji	Tsunoda	Kidder	Soumare
伊支馬	Ikima	Ikima	Ikima
彌馬升	Mimasho	Mimato	Mimashi
彌馬獲支	Mimagushi	Mimawaki	Mimakaki
奴佳鞮	Nakato	Nakato	Nakatei

Compare some of those with the sovereign, Mimaki Iribiko, and his son, Ikume Iribiko. Now, this isn’t evidence that any of this is remotely related, but we also know that there are differences just between the Chronicles themselves on the pronunciation of many of these individuals, so who knows just what the original pronunciation was?

Now when talking about all these places and what is going on, sometimes it just helps to have a map. One of the things we talk about in the episode is the extent to which the iron forging technology had extended across the archipelago. Note that these are forges, which can help shape iron, but they are not bloomeries, where they actually create the raw iron ingots from ore for smiths to then turn into useful items. The bloomeries appear to have operated as a monopoly on the mainland for some time, jealously guarding their secrets, and keeping the islands dependent on their trade.

Rough map, showing what may have been the extent of the early and later iron forging technologies. Based on geographic extent noted by Gina L. Barnes (Barnes, 2007) and a map by Ash_Crow, CC BY-SA 3.0 via Wikimedia Commons.

The early iron forging technology can be seen here as roughly described by Gina L. Barnes. I’ve used a map with the ancient provinces, though borders were not quite that specific in ancient days, and the coloring shows the rough extent—there may be other areas that just have not yet been discovered and some of the colored areas may have actually had no real access to the technology—in other words, this is for illustrative purposes, but I’d suggest checking some truly scholarly source for more rigorous data.

Now, the later technology relies on a tuyere, or tube, which allows air to be pushed into the forge, which in turn increases the combustion, increasing the heat that is produced. Higher temperatures allow for more efficient and different types of forging. I don’t want to get into the complexities of iron metallurgy right here, but basically iron’s properties can be controlled by a variety of mechanisms, including the temperature you heat it to, how fast or slow it cools down, physical work hardening (like when you bend a paper clip so many times and it gets a little harder just before it snaps), and then adulterating the iron with carbon or other elements. These can produce different shapes in the structure of the iron itself, which is why iron, cast iron, steel, etc. are all so different.

That said, would it have been enough of a leap to make these sites technologically superior? And was that enough? Or was it just that because these particular areas were connected, when they got the technology it spread in those areas where forging technology had not already been found? Why didn’t the previous areas adopt the new technology? Was it too much for them to change their established processes, while in areas where it had not been established it was easy to simply adopt the contemporary technology? I am not sure I could say.\

However, we can compare the extent of the iron working technology to the spread of the later keyhole tombs that showed up in the beginning of the kofun period. Only a few small examples appear before Hashihaka and the Makimuku cluster. Below maps show areas that archaeologically were fairly active—they appear to have chiefly or kingly activities—and then the regions where we find the actual kofun built.

Areas identified as having politically active areas in the late Yayoi to start of the Kofun period. Light areas identified by Sasaki (1995) and dark areas by Mizoguchi (2000), as noted in Barnes (2007). Original map by Ash_Crow, CC BY-SA 3.0 via W… — Areas identified as having politically active areas in the late Yayoi to start of the Kofun period. Light areas identified by Sasaki (1995) and dark areas by Mizoguchi (2000), as noted in Barnes (2007). Original map by Ash_Crow, CC BY-SA 3.0 via Wikimedia Commons. Modified by author.

Areas with keyhole tombs identified by Mizoguchi (2009). Areas are not precise, and any polity may not have had actual control in all of the shaded regions. Dark areas had round keyhole tombs, while shaded areas had square or other keyhole tomb s… — Areas with keyhole tombs identified by Mizoguchi (2009). Areas are not precise, and any polity may not have had actual control in all of the shaded regions. Dark areas had round keyhole tombs, while shaded areas had square or other keyhole tomb styles. Original map by Ash_Crow, CC BY-SA 3.0 via Wikimedia Commons. Modified by author.

The question in all this remains: Why is this spreading from Kinki—from the Makimuku area—outward and why not from Northern Kyushu? After all, Northern Kyushu is closer to the mainland and should have better trade linkages. It isn’t like the court at the base of Mt. Miwa could just fly past and on to the continent themselves.

In truth, we really don’t know, but there are several hypothesis. One is that the Nara Basin provided enough rice paddies for significant population growth and that their position between eastern and western Honshu made them a natural trading point. It still doesn’t quite explain why the round keyhole tombs proliferated quite as they did—was it submission, or competition, or something else? There doesn’t seem to be a single answer just yet, though historians and archaeologists continue provide their theories.

One more thing, while we are talking about territories and maps: let’s take a look at the areas that the Chronicles appear to cover.

Rough map of the areas that appear to be described in the Chronicles related to Mimaki Iribiko’s reign. Original map by Ash_Crow, CC BY-SA 3.0 via Wikimedia Commons. Modified by author.

Now, this map is my own creation, as there is nothing so precise in the Chronicle, and even then, its claims seem far more grandiose than what is shown here, even. Yamato likely only directly controlled the area of the southeast Nara basin. How much direct control they had beyond that is unknown—they must have had some power, but there is no archaeological evidence suggesting a unified state as we would think of it with direct control to much extent until several centuries later. Still, the areas that are discussed do appear to be areas that can be correlated with both the non-local pottery found at Makimuku and with some of the other geographic signs seen in the earlier maps. Still, this is conjecture as the directions that the four generals took is unfortunately rather vague. For instance, was the Eastern Road just following the coast, and was there any movement in the central part of Eastern Honshu? This mountainous region may have taken time to bring into any particular state, as one imagines that the valleys could have had numerous settlements that had no particular affiliation outside their own local group.

On Kibi

So I hope there might be enough on Kibi to eventually pull together an episode just on this place—an apparent powerhouse during the early and Kofun periods, but perhaps not known so well as other areas of Japan. This is in part due to how it was carved up into various other provinces—something that was not uncommon. Koshi (越), meaning “to go beyond”, was broken into three provinces—Echizen (越前), Etchū (越中), and Echigo (越後)—using the other reading of the kanji for “Koshi”. A similar process happened with Kibi (吉備), but they simply used the final character, creating Bizen (備前), Bitchū (備中), and Bingo (備後). Later, they would break off another portion to be known as Mimasaka (美作).

Of course, for all of its size and apparent importance, we don’t hear quite as much about the gods of Kibi—not like those of Izumo—though there does seem to be some bleed-over across the mountains, which is not entirely surprising. While we may not know everything about Kibi’s greatness, its position in the Kofun period seems quite clear by the number of large kofun that still dot the landscape.

The Plains of Kibi

View of the plains and distant Kojima, where the Kibi kingdom once thrived, looking towards the Seto Inland Sea.

Kibitsu Shrine

This is the shrine dedicated to Kibitsu Hiko in modern Okayama.

Kibitsu Inner Shrine

This is the inner shrine of Kibitsu Jinja

Momotaro, et al

Statue of Momotaro in downtown Okayama. Even today, he is a beloved figure in the city, and the people of Okayama claim him as one of their own.

Tsukuriyama Kofun

The largest kofun in Okayama and the 4th largest in the archipelago, this round keyhole shape tomb dates from the 5th century—a couple hundred years, give or take, after our current narrative. It is believed to be the burial place of a local “king”, given its tremendous size.

Ki no Jo (鬼ノ城)

The ”Demon's Castle” on the mountainside overlooking the plains of ancient Kibi. Though the gate and rammed earth walls have been partially reconstructed in modern times, people have long been aware of its presence in this area, spawning conjecture and inspiring local myths and legends.

Ki no Jo Gate

The reconstructed Ki no Jo gate. Again, this is many centuries past our current narrative

References

Ō, Yasumaro, & Heldt, G. (2014). The Kojiki: An account of ancient matters. ISBN978-0-231-16389-7
Kishimoto, Naofumi (2013). Dual Kingship in the Kofun Period as Seen from the Keyhole Tombs. UrbanScope: e-Journal of the Urban-Culture Research Center, OCU. http://urbanscope.lit.osaka-cu.ac.jp/journal/pdf/vol004/01-kishimoto.pdf
Mizoguchi, Koji. (2009). Nodes and Edges: A Network Approach to Hierarchisation and State Formation in Japan. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology - J ANTHROPOL ARCHAEOL. 28. 14-26. 10.1016/j.jaa.2008.12.001.
Barnes, Gina L. (2007). State Formation in Japan: Emergence of a 4th-Century Ruling Elite. Routlede. ISBN 9780415596282
Bentley, John. (2006). The Authenticity of Sendai Kuji Hongi: a New Examination of Texts, with a Translation and Commentary. ISBN-90-04-152253
Soumaré, Massimo (2007), Japan in Five Ancient Chinese Chronicles: Wo, the Land of Yamatai, and Queen Himiko. ISBN: 978-4-902075-22-9
Kidder, J. Edward (2007), Himiko and Japan's Elusive Chiefdom of Yamatai: Archaeology, History, and Mythology. ISBN: 978-0824830359
Barnes, Gina L. (1988). Protohistoric Yamato: Archaeology of the First Japanese State. ISBN 0-915703-11-4
Chamberlain, B. H. (1981). The Kojiki: Records of ancient matters. Rutland, Vt: C.E. Tuttle Co. ISBN4-8053-0794-3
Ledyard, G. (1975). Galloping along with the horseriders: looking for the founders of Japan. Journal of Japanese Studies. 1: 217-254
Aston, W. G. (1972). Nihongi, chronicles of Japan from the earliest times to A.D. 697. London: Allen & Unwin. ISBN0-80480984-4
Philippi, D. L. (1968). Kojiki. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. ISBN4-13-087004-1

Episode 28: The Birth of the Miwa Cult

November 1, 2020 Joshua Badgley

A view of Mt. Miwa in the southeast Nara Basin. This sacred mountain and its local deity may have been the birthplace of Yamato. Photograph by “A photographer,” (sic) CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons

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We are finally at a place in the Chronicles that we can start to bring things together—the archaeology, the Chinese chronicles, and the Japanese chronicles. Mind you, there are still plenty of questions, but it certainly feels like the fog is starting to clear. There are still a few connections we will have to make, and some assumptions as well.

Chronicles

So let’s start with the Chronicles. The Kojiki doesn’t give dates, but where we are given them in the Nihon Shoki and elsewhere, they don’t make a lot of sense. Things seem to be better by the time we reach the 10th sovereign, but they still aren’t great. We are pretty sure that none of this was happening in the 1st century BCE, at least. So we’ll take that with a grain of salt—possibly throw it out altogether. Still, let’s look at where this action is taking place and how that correlates to other things we know.

You see, much of the action centers around Mt. Miwa. Specifically the god of Mt. Miwa, known as Ōmononushi no Kami, the Great Master of the People/Things. Of course, there is a lot in the Chronicles explaining the importance of Ōmononushi, including his connection with the Great Land Master, Ōkuninushi no kami, of Izumo. And in these chapters, even Amaterasu no Ōkami takes a back seat in the narrative, with just a brief mention that the two were worshipped together, but it is Ōmononushi who is sought out as both the cause and cure to the pestilence plaguing the land.

In the Chronicles, the worship of Ōmononushi was given to a man named Ōtataneko, so one would think that he would be an important figure. However, other than the sovereign, who generally takes center stage, there is another person who takes center stage. Yamato Totothi Momoso Hime, a member of the Royal Family, described as Mimaki Iribiko’s “aunt”, is described as actually marrying the god of Mt. Miwa. In addition to this, she goes on to, several times, display her prowess as a seer and shaman, helping to guide the actions of her nephew, who is nominally the actual sovereign.

The marker for the supposed site of the Shiki Mizugaki palace originally placed in the Takanuka, CC BY 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons

Speaking of the sovereign, he is also connected to Mt. Miwa—not only by his visitations with the mountain’s god, but also his palace is said to have been in the shadow of Mt. Miwa, believed to have been near the current site of Shiki-Agatanushi-Suwa Jinja (which I translate to something along the lines of “The Shrine of the Seat of the Ancient Chieftain of Shiki”). It was considered an “old” shrine by Heian era, at leas. Whether it is the actual site of the Mizugaki palace, who knows? There is a marker, but obviously, that only really tells us what we already know, since it was erected in the Taishō era. Still, for those tracking down the ancient sites in the Nara basin, it may be some where to look into. There is also the Makimuku site, nearby, which also contains a palace in the stories—the palace of Mimaki Iribiko’s successor, the Tamagaki (or Tamaki) Palace.

We’ll discuss more about Mimaki Iribiko next episode, but there is one other feature of all of this and that is the connection between a “palace” (miya) and “shrine” (miya). Early on, they say that both Amaterasu and Ōmononushi were worshipped together in the palace. Likewise, in the discussion of Ōkuninushi during the Age of the Gods, he was given a palace to live in, which is now Izumo Taisha. This idea that the palace was where various spiritual or religious rites were held, and the fact that this palace was also at the foot of Mt. Miwa seems to add to the idea that this is the beginning of what some people call the Miwa Cult or even the Miwa Court. The previous sovereigns in the Chronicles, in contrast, all tend to have their palaces located elsewhere, especially around the Kashihara region.

Archaeology

So it is all good going on about the Chronicles, but what does the archaeology say? Well, it isn’t conclusive—remember, a lot of the evidence is things like holes in the ground that we assign a meaning to based on their characteristics and various assumptions, and many of the kofun are still off-limits to a thorough excavation—but there is a lot of evidence for activity in the area around the foot of Mt. Miwa in the Terminal Yayoi to Early Kofun period. This mostly comes from sites in a roughly 2 km strip known as the Makimuku District. Besides finding remnants of a large, pillared structure that is believed to have been an early “palace” building, there is fair amount of pottery. A key to the pottery is that much of it—about 15~30% of it—is non-local, meaning it came from outside the Nara Basin. That includes pottery—much of it cooking pots—from Eastern Honshu, the Japan Sea Coast, and the Seto Inland Sea regions. The fact that much of it is in the form of cooking pots suggests that it was not just imported prestige goods, but likely brought by people from those regions as part of their everyday supplies and household goods. That suggests that a lot of people from the nearby areas of the archipelago were coming to live in this region, around the foot of Mt. Miwa in the SE Nara Basin.

Then, of course, there are the kofun themselves. While some of the kofun—often the largest ones that we suspect would provide some of the most information, were we able to prove or disprove their connection to any given sovereign—are off limits to us, archaeologically speaking, there are a fair number that have been explored. Together with information that has been found through excavation, characteristics such as the shape, any ceramics found on or near, and similar things can give us information about when they were built. Originally, it was thought that the Kofun period started about the year 300, and went from the 4th century onward. This has largely been revised to start about 250—including the latter half of the 3rd century and starting roughly around the time that Queen Himiko’s burial is mentioned.

View of Hashihaka Kofun from the side. Today, the main mound can be difficult to make out, as is covered in trees, but from the air one can see its distinctive round-keyhole shape. Photo taken and dedicated to public domain by Saigen Jiro, via Wiki… — View of Hashihaka Kofun from the side. Today, the main mound can be difficult to make out, as is covered in trees, but from the air one can see its distinctive round-keyhole shape. Photo taken and dedicated to public domain by Saigen Jiro, via Wikimedia Commons

In the process, we’ve also identified kofun that appear to be earlier—probably having been built around the mid to later 3rd century. One of the kofun identified as being from this period is the one known as Hashihaka kofun. Now it is good to remember that there is nothing that really identifies which kofun is which, and the story of Yamato Totohi Momoso Hime no Mikoto in the Chronicles doesn’t give GPS style coordinates to identify where her kofun actually is. In addition to that, it was being written down centuries after the fact, and so even if they identified the same tomb mound then as we do today, it is unclear how many of those are accurate. Certainly the supposed derivation of the name seems inaccurate as chopsticks (hashi) were probably still a century or two off. Regardless of how well we can identify a particular named kofun mound, it is significant that there are large mounds from the 3rd century in the shadow of Mt. Miwa. In fact, for this period, Hashihaka kofun is one of the largest, likely indicating a key figure—probably an ancient chieftain or sovereign, at least.

Many specialists believe that this may have been the start of the round-keyhole mounds, which have been assumed for some time to be indicative of the culture of the period. Soon after the ones in the Nara Basin are built, they begin to show up in areas elsewhere around the archipelago, either as part of the larger polity or perhaps in competition therewith, but still indicative of a cultural shift happening around this time.

Now don’t get me wrong, there are earlier tomb mounds out there. Gina Barnes refers to these as “Mounded Burials”, to distinguish the period of cultural change associated with the Kofun period. I mean, it isn’t as if people just decided one day to start burying important people under tremendously huge piles of earth. We’ve mentioned the old funkyubo, and it seems there were even some mounded burials that were reserved for a single individual. However, nothing to the extent of what we find with Hashihaka and later sites, and so Gina Barnes and others reserve the term “Mounded Tomb” for the period when we believe we have the actual start of the Mounded Tomb Culture—i.e. the Kofun period.

The Chinese Chronicles

Of course, when we talk about the Chinese Chronicles at this point we are really talking about two in particular: The Later Han and the Wei Dynasty historical chronicles. Even then, the Later Han mostly gives us an idea of what things were like in the first century or so, and that is more helpful in setting some boundaries than in fully describing what is happening in the 3rd century. Also, you may recall that despite the names, the Later Han dynasty chronicles were actually compiled much later, and may have cribbed some of their information and notes from the Wei Chronicles.

The Wei Chronicles, of course, describe Queen Himiko and her kingdom of Yamato/Yamatai. Here it is good to remember that “Yamatai” is a modern Japanese on’yomi reading of the characters used, and something much more similar to “Yamato” would have likely been based on the Chinese reading at the time. Himiko (or Pimiko) was the Queen of Yamato, which appeared to be at the head of some kind of confederacy of states. The description paints her, in the eyes of many, as a female shaman, and there is an administrator—recorded as her younger brother, though it is unclear how well that particular term would have suited him—who is said to have helped her. Together they sent embassies to the commanderies on the Korean peninsula and thence onward to the Wei capital.

Now, the Wei Chronicles refer to Yamato and the various polities in the confederation as “states” or “guo”. Today, this is used for countries, like China, Japan, and the US. But at this time, it probably had a meaning more along the lines of “political unit” with a hierarchy and administrator or ruler, but it is unclear just how strict they were being. A good analogy may be the way that the early European descriptions of Japan often referred to the daimyō as “kings”, a term that today we tend to associate with much greater authority than most daimyō could lay legitimate claim to. For this reason, many people are wary of using the term “state” for the early political units that we see, and reserve that for the period when Japan adopts a continental style system of administration, known as the ritsuryō. Until then, we might see reference to the Yamato Seiken, for the area under Yamato control, or even a reference to simply the Yamato Chōtei, or the Yamato Court.

Regardless of what we call it, there seem to be two things we can know: First, that the Wei court believed it to be one of the dominant political unit in the area, and second, that it did not go unchallenged. There is reference to another entity, against which Queen Himiko was contending, and which may have even prompted her attempt to reach out for assistance from the mainland. Even in the Chronicles we see that there is still conflict and disorder in the land—despite the earlier accounts, there has not really been a single, lasting administration that has demonstrated hegemony over the three main islands of the archipelago.

Conflict Between the Sources

Of course, for all that it seems nice and wrapped up, above, there is still plenty of conflict between our sources of information. For one thing, the dating in the Japanese Chronicles is a huge problem point. The dates are clearly fictional, but how can we even begin to correlate them to a reasonable period? We cannot ignore that some of the “adjustments” made to the dates in the Nihon Shoki are motivated by a desire to match up what was written down with what we see in the archaeological and continental records. Is this fair? That’s a good question. Some have proposed other dating systems—for instance, assuming an average reign length of only 10 years for the sovereigns that appeared before those we can trace to other sources or have a fair reason to believe are accurate. This pulls everything much further forward in time, and disconnects us completely from the Wei Chronicles. According to this theory, Himiko would have been a forerunner of Mimaki Iribiko, lost to the depths of time, explaining her absence in the Japanese histories.

Of course, some dating systems would pull Mimaki Iribiko no Mikoto up, but not quite that far. Some have suggested that he might be one of the earlier referenced individuals—a predecessor to Queen Himiko, whose absence then remains a mystery.

Speaking of which, where is Himiko? I know we’ve spent a lot of time talking about it, but it really is the piece that generates perhaps the most debate and discussion. How could she have been so powerful as to send envoys to the Wei court and be counted the “Queen of the Wa”, but then not appear anywhere in the Japanese histories?

Some of this we go into the podcast, so I encourage listeners to go there first and come back here afterwards, and we’ll cover some of the same ground. Of course, we cannot discount the fact that when writing did come over, it came with other continental concepts, such as patriarchal concepts of what and who a ruler should be, which would have influenced the opinions of those putting together all of these ancient stories and anecdotes. Also, if they were using genealogical records, which seems clearly to be the case, the lines appear to be traced through the father, and even then, if Himiko didn’t have any children of her own, would she have even appeared in the genealogical record? One would hardly think that she wouldn’t, given her apparent status.

And of course, her name in the Wei Chronicles could be little more than a title—possibly even a misheard or improperly recorded title at that. Many point to the idea that “Himiko” could simply be “Child of the Sun” or a shortening of titles like “HIme no MIKOto”. And so it is possible she was identified by some other name entirely in the Japanese traditions. I’d argue it is also possible, though unlikely, that the name may not have had the kinds of gender signifiers that later Japanese chroniclers would recognize. If so, perhaps she was misgendered, and shows up as an entirely different figure.

It also occurs to me that it is possible she was part of some other polity—perhaps she was the impetus behind the story of Take Haniyasu and was part of a competing lineage group. Many of the mirrors from around that time have been traced back to a kofun in the northern part of the Nara Basin, Tsubai Ōtsukayama, in Yamashiro. Still, if that were the case, wouldn’t we expect to see that noted in the Wei histories, rather than having a young relative take the throne soon thereafter? And why would the name be the same? Himiko’s rivals were from another polity altogether, it would seem, not Yamato, unless that was just a fiction in how she depicted it to the Wei court.

And, of course, there is another problem with the sources—why don’t the Japanese chronicles mention the embassies to the mainland? One would think those would be quite prominent. And they should have known about them—later they quote from them during the reign of a later sovereign. Of course, with the timing that they’ve given everything, perhaps they couldn’t figure out where it actually fit in the timeline and so ignored it. It is quite likely that most of the anecdotal information was extremely disjointed, only tied in by the names of individuals who were mentioned. If those individuals were “placed” in the wrong time it might be hard to match up with the Wei records. And of course, the Chroniclers were probably more concerned about the believed truth of the royal lineage in their own time than they were about what the facts were like centuries ago.

Conclusion

For my part, I still lean towards the idea that Himiko is, in fact, Yamato Totohi Momoso Hime, or at least the latter is a cognate for the former. I suspect that she was part of a ruling pair in the southern Nara basin at the foot of Mt. Miwa. She was in charge of spiritual affairs while her co-ruler would have overseen the administrative duties, and they were likely related, if not brother and sister. At the time, her position may have been the stronger of the two, as evidenced by the work that went into her tomb mound. The “rival” that we hear about in the Wei history may be represented by another ruling pair—Take Haniyasu and Ata Bime, in Yamashiro. That conflict was likely not quite so cut and dry as it is made out to be, the messy realities of history having been likely smoothed over in favor of a simpler narrative. As for the next “Queen” that follows her, Iyo (or, possibly, Toyo)? Perhaps they are referring to Toyosuki Hime, the princess who was sent to worship Amaterasu, or even Yamato Hime, who we’ll get to know in the reign of the next sovereign, Again, things aren’t perfect, and their roles may have been largely forgotten and repurposed to the story of Amaterasu, but it is something to consider. Either way, if they did not have children of their own, they may have not made it into the genealogical lists, which could also explain much of this confusion.

So that’s all for this episode. I hope you enjoyed it. We are going to pick up next time with the continuation of Mimaki Iribiko’s story.

References

Ō, Yasumaro, & Heldt, G. (2014). The Kojiki: An account of ancient matters. ISBN978-0-231-16389-7
Kishimoto, Naofumi (2013). Dual Kingship in the Kofun Period as Seen from the Keyhole Tombs. UrbanScope: e-Journal of the Urban-Culture Research Center, OCU. http://urbanscope.lit.osaka-cu.ac.jp/journal/pdf/vol004/01-kishimoto.pdf
Barnes, Gina L. (2007). State Formation in Japan: Emergence of a 4th-Century Ruling Elite. Routlede. ISBN 9780415596282
Bentley, John. (2006). The Authenticity of Sendai Kuji Hongi: a New Examination of Texts, with a Translation and Commentary. ISBN-90-04-152253
Soumaré, Massimo (2007), Japan in Five Ancient Chinese Chronicles: Wo, the Land of Yamatai, and Queen Himiko. ISBN: 978-4-902075-22-9
Kidder, J. Edward (2007), Himiko and Japan's Elusive Chiefdom of Yamatai: Archaeology, History, and Mythology. ISBN: 978-0824830359
Barnes, Gina L. (1988). Protohistoric Yamato: Archaeology of the First Japanese State. ISBN 0-915703-11-4
Chamberlain, B. H. (1981). The Kojiki: Records of ancient matters. Rutland, Vt: C.E. Tuttle Co. ISBN4-8053-0794-3
Ledyard, G. (1975). Galloping along with the horseriders: looking for the founders of Japan. Journal of Japanese Studies. 1: 217-254
Aston, W. G. (1972). Nihongi, chronicles of Japan from the earliest times to A.D. 697. London: Allen & Unwin. ISBN0-80480984-4
Philippi, D. L. (1968). Kojiki. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. ISBN4-13-087004-1

Episode 27: 9 Fictional Sovereigns and 1 (Possibly) Real One

October 16, 2020 Joshua Badgley

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Welcome back. This episode we go over sovereign’s 2-9, covering what the chronicles claim to be about 500 years, from only a few centuries after the introduction of rice to the end of the early Yayoi period. And while it is certainly possible that some of the stories in the Chronicles could go back to the Yayoi period, there is no evidence for the kind of state that the chronicles seem to imply.

That said, most of these sovereigns stories do have a connection to the Nara Basin—particularly the area of Shiki. In the below map you can see the modern Shiki district of Nara Prefecture, north of Kashihara but in ancient times it was much larger, and would have included much of Sakurai, Mt. Miwa, Tenri, and many of the areas believed to be associated with the early Yamato state.

Speaking of “Yamato”, one of the things I note in the podcast is that “Yamato” is often written with an old character: 倭. This is the character used in many of the Chinese chronicles, from which we get the term “Wo” or “Wa” for the early Japonic speaking people of the archipelago and the peninsula. Occasionally we find it as 大倭 (Great Yamato), which I suspect is in imitation of the continental practice, where you have the 大唐帝国 (Great Tang) and later the Great Yuan (大元) and the Great Ming (大明), though how it was used and when it started to be used various polity’s names I’m not sure. Interesting side note, there is a “Great Qin” (大秦) used from the time of the Han until the Tang, but it actually refers to Rome and not to the Qin state.

Regardless, the 倭 (Wa) character eventually is swapped out for the less derogatory character for peace (和), which seems to be why Yamato, today, is spelled 大和.

Speaking of imported concepts, the idea of the Heavenly-Stems and Earthly-Branches I mentioned as a time keeping mechanism. Rather than rehashing it here, I recommend you check out this page in the Miscellany. There, we talk about this system and how it applies to time-keeping in general.

This was part of the continental arts that would eventually fall under what became known as the Yin-Yang Bureau, or Onmyō-ryō. It is sometimes associated with Daoism, though this is something of a debate—there are many aspects of continental thought that are found in Daoism that made their way over to the archipelago, but the structures that we would recognize as Daoism (as paradoxical as that statement may seem, to some) really aren’t there. There are thoughts and concepts from traditional practice, and plenty of Sinitic themes show up in the archipelago on imported goods and concepts, but that seems to be it. Still, this system was largely rooted in many of the continent’s scientific concepts, including geomancy and a complex elemental system that is used to describe all sorts of micro and macro interactions in the natural world.

Seimei Shrine in Kyoto, dedicated to perhaps the most famous Yin Yang diviner, or Onmyōji, in Japanese history: Abe no Seimei. Photo by author.

At some point I’ll probably get into this, because it really is fascinating and helps to understand the way that many of the continental thinkers conceived of the natural world around them. There are generative and degenerative cycles, and elements associated with color, direction, and more. It was like a Grand Unified Theory, but going beyond just forces to the very nature of the universe. A common symbol for all of this is the pentagram—a five pointed star, usually in a circle, indicating all the different interactions between the various elements—found at the star’s tips. So no, that is not a satanic symbol on Seimei shrine, thank you very much.

As for the zodiac, it is also found outside of just the temporal realm but also in the spatial. Indeed, if the Rat (子) is North, then Ushitora (丑寅) is northeast, U (卯) is due east, Tatsumi (辰巳) is southeast, etc. Even today, these will sometimes be encountered when discussing directions, rather than the more straight forward North, East, South, West (北東南西) and associated combinations.

Alright, so like any good clickbait article, we need to leave you wanting for more, so next episode we’ll address the possibly real Mimaki Iri-biko, aka Sujin Tennō.

References

Ō, Yasumaro, & Heldt, G. (2014). The Kojiki: An account of ancient matters. ISBN978-0-231-16389-7

Bentley, John. (2006). The Authenticity of Sendai Kuji Hongi: a New Examination of Texts, with a Translation and Commentary. ISBN-90-04-152253
Chamberlain, B. H. (1981). The Kojiki: Records of ancient matters. Rutland, Vt: C.E. Tuttle Co. ISBN4-8053-0794-3
Aston, W. G. (1972). Nihongi, chronicles of Japan from the earliest times to A.D. 697. London: Allen & Unwin. ISBN0-80480984-4
Philippi, D. L. (1968). Kojiki. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. ISBN4-13-087004-1

Episode 26: The Court at Kashihara

October 1, 2020 Joshua Badgley

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So this episode we go into a few different things. First off there is the story of Hime Tatara Isuzu Hime (or possibly Hime Tatara Isukeyori Hime), Iware Biko’s queen and the mother of the next sovereign. Then there are the members of the court, such as Umashimaji no Sukune.

Of course the court at Kashihara is fantastical, but it still tells us something. The rituals, the ranks, and more—all of it is helpful for understanding the Chronicles—at least some of the later stories.

On the subject of ranks: The kabane system is something we’ll definitely need to get into at some point, but essentially it was a ranking system for families, more than the individual. There are more ranks than are mentioned here, and it really does deserve its own topic at some point, but I’d encourage listeners to look into it, it really is fascinating.

As for what we actually know about the early Kingship? Well, we get to that with the kofun. Kishimoto Naofumi’s paper is linked below if you’d like to read it for yourself.

Drawing of what an artist thought Jimmu’s ascension ceremony may have looked like with a postcard claiming to be Yamato Shrine inset.

References

Ō, Yasumaro, & Heldt, G. (2014). The Kojiki: An account of ancient matters. ISBN978-0-231-16389-7

Kishimoto, Naofumi (2013). Dual Kingship in the Kofun Period as Seen from the Keyhole Tombs. UrbanScope: e-Journal of the Urban-Culture Research Center, OCU. http://urbanscope.lit.osaka-cu.ac.jp/journal/pdf/vol004/01-kishimoto.pdf
Bentley, John. (2006). The Authenticity of Sendai Kuji Hongi: a New Examination of Texts, with a Translation and Commentary. ISBN-90-04-152253
Chamberlain, B. H. (1981). The Kojiki: Records of ancient matters. Rutland, Vt: C.E. Tuttle Co. ISBN4-8053-0794-3
Aston, W. G. (1972). Nihongi, chronicles of Japan from the earliest times to A.D. 697. London: Allen & Unwin. ISBN0-80480984-4
Philippi, D. L. (1968). Kojiki. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. ISBN4-13-087004-1

Episode 24: The OTHER Heavenly Grandson

September 1, 2020 Joshua Badgley

An apparent drawing of Nigi Hayahi no Mikoto, attribution unknown.

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I am so glad that we are here, and I can think of no better episode for our one year anniversary. This has been a journey for me, and thank you for coming along together. One of the things I really enjoy is finding little tidbits that I never realized before I started digging into the material. So thank you for giving me that opportunity.

Now, truth be told, I actually debated talking about this one during the episode on Ninigi no Mikoto, but I thought it fit better here. We are about to get into Ihare Hiko (or Ihare Biko) and his march east to take the throne in Yamato, and so before we get there, I want to introduce you to something that, admittedly, blew my mind when I first encountered it in the Kujiki. I had no idea that there was a story out there of any other legacy descending from Takami Musubi no Mikoto and Amaterasu no Ōmikami, let alone an elder brother, but that’s just what we have.

Now, there are still some things that I am wondering about, and so rather than get into every little question in the podcast—which is long enough as it is, I thought I’d lay them out here, for those who care to read.

One of them is a minor one, and that is in the list of the 10 Heavenly Symbols given to Nigi Hayahi is the jewel of the “foot”. This seems rather incongruous with some of the other things. So let’s take a look:

The Mirror of the Ocean
The Mirror of the Shore
The Sword of Great Length
The Jewel of Life
The Jewel of Resurrection
The Jewel of the Foot
The Jewel of Return
The Cloth of the Serpent
The Cloth of Various Things

2 mirrors, 1 sword, 4 jewels, and 2 cloths

The mirrors seem to have a theme—ocean and shore. Both possibly related to something like the moon, another round, mirror-like object in the sky, and of course you also find mirrors with water themes, so that could play a part. I think the sword being of “great length” hardly needs interpretation. The Cloth of the Serpent could come from a design or could possibly refer to something else—serpents are often associated with the god of Mt. Miwa, and there are connections between snakes shedding their skin and rebirth, so maybe it has something to do with that—I’m not sure. The cloth of the various things might just be a catchall, or it may have referred to a garment with various designs embroidered on it. I’m put in mind of the royal regalia used for certain ceremonies, consisting of a wide-sleeved red robe with various embroidered designs as well as a red harami, or wrapped skirt, based, one assumes, on the ancient clothing styles of China.

In the jewels we have Life and Resurrection—those seem to go together—and then we have “Foot” and “Return”. I could see “Return” similar to “Resurrection”, but what does a foot have to do with anything? It could possibly refer to travel, I guess? But I also wonder if it refers, in some way, to sufficiency. The kanji “足“ can certainly refer to both in a modern context, but I’m not quite sure how it would have been viewed at the time.

(Of course, I still want to see all of these kitted out as proper DnD magic items—it feels like they would totally fit in one way or another)

Another thing that I’m still not quite clear on is the geography. I want to get into this more next episode, when we talk about Ihare Hiko’s invasion and conquest of Yamato, but the locations are interesting. There really isn’t an “Ikaruga Mountain” that I could find as such, but the chronicle claims it was in Kawachi Province. But Kawachi is typically identified as being on the western side of the mountains between Yamato (modern Nara Prefecture) and modern Osaka. I can think of several things going on here.

First, Ikaruga may not have been anywhere near the Ikaruga we know. Heck, it may not even have been in Japan, initially. It may have been a name imported from the Korean peninsula, for all we know, imported with the story, perhaps, and then “discovered” in approximately the right area later. That still doesn’t explain why they say it is in Kawachi—it would seem that Ikaruga is in the area of Yamato no Kuni. It is possible that Kawachi province extended that far up the Yamato River, but it seems a bit of a head-scratcher.

It may be that it had to be in Kawachi for other reasons—namely the connection with the Mononobe clan, who is clearly connected to Nigi Hayahi. However, I also wonder if there isn’t a more practical explanation: They say that Nigi Hayahi and his retinue arrived at Ikaruga peak in a “Heavenly Rock Boat”. Well, during the Kofun period and into the Asuka and Nara, Ōsaka looked quite different from what it is, today. In fact, most of Ōsaka was apparently under water, part of what is known as Kawachi Bay. The water came right up to the Ikoma mountains, and it may be that Kawachi was actually made up of those mountains and a little inland—maybe it did reach to Ikaruga, or maybe that was just an indication of someone arriving by an actual physical boat.

Now this is all conjecture. I’m sure there are others who’ve looked into this, and I am only doing a fairly light overview of all of this. If you have theories or if you’ve looked into it yourself, I encourage you to share!

References

Ō, Yasumaro, & Heldt, G. (2014). The Kojiki: An account of ancient matters. ISBN978-0-231-16389-7
Bentley, John. (2006). The Authenticity of Sendai Kuji Hongi: a New Examination of Texts, with a Translation and Commentary. ISBN-90-04-152253
Chamberlain, B. H. (1981). The Kojiki: Records of ancient matters. Rutland, Vt: C.E. Tuttle Co. ISBN4-8053-0794-3
Aston, W. G. (1972). Nihongi, chronicles of Japan from the earliest times to A.D. 697. London: Allen & Unwin. ISBN0-80480984-4
Philippi, D. L. (1968). Kojiki. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. ISBN4-13-087004-1

Episode 23: Heavenly Princes Behaving Badly

August 16, 2020 Joshua Badgley

Hiko Hohodemi and his son, from an early 20th century painting of the Meiji Emperor and various members of the Heavenly line. He appears to be holding a fishing line and what one might assume to be a jewel.

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This episode, we continue with the earthly lives of the Heavenly Descendants, and forgive me for saying this, but they really aren’t great people. Their most redeeming quality appears to be their connection back to Amaterasu and Takumi Musubi, and that’s about it. They aren’t really great husbands, and we get no information on their parenting skills. And their behavior is not necessarily something to model. But these are thought to be the revered ancestors of the royal line.

Of course, as they mess up, they seem to have a family trait of reciting poetry to try to win back the women in their lives. We didn’t include them in the episode, but here you can have a look at them, or at least some translations.

Poem by Ninigi when Atatsu Hime would not speak to him:

憶企都茂幡。
陛爾幡譽戻耐母。
佐禰耐據茂。
阿黨播怒介茂譽。
播磨都智耐理譽。

The sea-weed of the offing—
Though it may reach the shore:
The true couch
Is, alas! impossible.
Ah! ye dotterels of the beach
- from the Nihon Shoki, trans. by Aston

Aston notes that this poem is a regular tanka of 31 syllables, and it would seem to be about the gulf he realized had opened between them. In the original text, you can see how they are using the Chinese characters to represent the sounds, which is where you can see the typical 5-7-5/7-7 meter of a typical tanka.

Konohana Sakuya Hime, besides being associated with Ata and the Hayato, is also believed to be the spirit of Mt. Fuji, and there are numerous shrines to her on the mountain. Photo by author.

Poem by Hiko Hohodemi when Toyotama Hime left and her response:

飫企都鄧利。
軻茂豆句志磨爾。
和我謂禰志。
伊茂播和素邏珥。
譽能據鄧馭鄧母。

Whatever befals me,
Ne’er shall I forget my love
With whom I slept
In the island of wild-ducks—
The birds of the offing.
-from the Nihon Shoki, trans. by Aston

In this tanka, Aston notes that the lines in the translation are almost exactly opposite as those in the translation. So the previous poem in the Nihon Shoki started off with “the sea-weed of the offing” and this starts off with “the birds of the offing.” Order can be tricky in tanka, with some poetic license allowed.

Toyotama Hime then responds:

阿軻娜磨迺。
比訶利播阿利登。
比播伊珮耐。
企弭我譽贈比志。
多輔妬句阿利計利。

Some may boast
Of the splendour
Of red jewels,
But those worn by my Lord—
It is they which are admirable.
- from the Nihon Shoki, trans. by Aston

The response poem is a common trope in Japanese romances. It was typical for a lover to send a poem, or a part of a poem, and for their would-be partner to send a response if there was still interest. In the Nihon Shoki they call these poems “age-uta”, which Aston translates as “complimentary poetry”.

In the Kojiki it is given a little differently, and it is initiated by Toyotama Hime, who sings:

阿加陀麻波。
袁佐閇比迦禮杼。
斯良多麻能。
岐美何余曾比斯。
多布斗久阿理祁理。

Beautiful are the red jewels;
Even their cord seems to sparkle.
But I prefer pearls
For the awesome beauty
Of your pearl-like form
- from the Kojiki, trans. by Donald L. Philippi

Hiko Hohodemi then responds:

意岐都登理。
加毛度久斯麻邇。
和賀韋泥斯。
　伊毛波和須禮士。
余能許登碁登邇。

As long as I have life,
I shall never forget
My beloved, with whom I slept
On an island where wild ducks,
Birds of the offing, came to land.
- from the Kojiki, trans. by Donald L. Philippi

An artist’s depiction of Toyotama Hime. The sea god and his offspring are often believed to be dragons, though the Chronicles specifically refer to her as having the shape of a wani. The association with dragons may be a later, and possibly Chine… — An artist’s depiction of Toyotama Hime. The sea god and his offspring are often believed to be dragons, though the Chronicles specifically refer to her as having the shape of a *wani*. The association with dragons may be a later, and possibly Chinese, influence. On the other hand, we don’t exactly know what a *wani* was, so perhaps a dragon isn’t so far off.

Parturition Huts

As noted in the episode, parturition, or birthing, huts were a thing in various parts of Japan, but they were not universal, and the traditions around them seem to have been very localized. They were used by women going into labor and possibly for other purposes as well. Some appear to have been temporary, and others may have been permanent. They are generally called ubuya, (産屋) though some local words may exist depending on their specific use.

This is the ubuya at Ōbara Jinja (大原神社). The name of this shrine, Ōbara, calls to mind a large stomach or womb (hara), and so it is sought out specifically for pregnancies and birth. Photo from the Fukuchiyama city website. — This is the *ubuya* at Ōbara Jinja (大原神社). The name of this shrine, Ōbara, calls to mind a large stomach or womb (hara), and so it is sought out specifically for pregnancies and birth. Photo from the Fukuchiyama city website.

A hut in Hamamatsu that is said to have served as an ubuya. Photo is in the public domain, and acquired through Wikimedia Commons. — A hut in Hamamatsu that is said to have served as an *ubuya*. Photo is in the public domain, and acquired through Wikimedia Commons.

References

Ō, Yasumaro, & Heldt, G. (2014). The Kojiki: An account of ancient matters. ISBN978-0-231-16389-7
Tonomura, Hitomi (2007). Birth-giving and Avoidance Taboo : Women’s Body versus the Historiography of Ubuya. Nichibunken Japan review : journal of the International Research Center for Japanese Studies, vol. 19, pp 3-45. http://doi.org/10.15055/00000227
Bentley, John. (2006). The Authenticity of Sendai Kuji Hongi: a New Examination of Texts, with a Translation and Commentary. ISBN-90-04-152253
Chamberlain, B. H. (1981). The Kojiki: Records of ancient matters. Rutland, Vt: C.E. Tuttle Co. ISBN4-8053-0794-3
Aston, W. G. (1972). Nihongi, chronicles of Japan from the earliest times to A.D. 697. London: Allen & Unwin. ISBN0-80480984-4
Philippi, D. L. (1968). Kojiki. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. ISBN4-13-087004-1

Episode 21: Ceding the Central Land of the Reed Plains

July 15, 2020 Joshua Badgley

Gate at Kashima Jingū, shrine to Takemikazuchi no Kami. It was likely founded by the early Yamato armies as they sought to conquer the Emishi and others. Takemikazuchi has long had a special relationship with warriors, and would be picked up as a po… — Gate at Kashima Jingū, shrine to Takemikazuchi no Kami. It was likely founded by the early Yamato armies as they sought to conquer the Emishi and others. Takemikazuchi has long had a special relationship with warriors, and would be picked up as a popular deity with the later bushi, or samurai. Much of that reputation comes from his role in helping to pacify the islands of Japan. Photo by author.

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So we are back from our foray into archaeology and once again looking at the stories of the Age of the Gods. Now some people may be familiar with the story of Ninigi no Mikoto and how he descends from Heaven, and it is actually his descendants that eventually become the royal lineage of the Yamato sovereigns, but we aren’t quite there yet. Before that happens, the land needs to be pacified, first, and so this is the story of how that happens.

There’s a lot that we talk about in this episode. A lot of names and players, and I’m going to try to lay out some of this for you to try to make it easier to follow along. Some info can also be found by searching the Encyclopedia of Shinto. So let’s get into some of these characters, shall we?

Takami Musubi - The High God of Heaven—possibly the original, long with Kamu Musubi, if you assume that the Kamuyogoto is correct. We’ll probably hammer this home a few more times, but it is useful to remember that Amaterasu did not originally hold such a high and mighty place in the stories, and her importance may have significantly increased during the Temmu dynasty, when these stories were written down. There is a lot of evidence that Takami Musubi was an important deity early on—from his creation before even Izanagi and Izanami, to his place in various stories, particularly in the Izumo cycle. Whether they were part of the Izumo tradition that was used as the basis for much of the mythology or were part of a larger mythology throughout the archipelago is unclear. There is some evidence that the “Musubi” deities may, in fact, derive from pre-agricultural concepts. Whether that means they were influenced by the earlier Jomon culture or they were already developed before coming over from the Korean Peninsula, I certainly couldn’t speculate, but they certainly seem to be part of the Izumo mythos that Yamato is using. You may remember that Takami Musubi was also the father of Sukuna Bikona, along with many other gods.

Kamu Musubi - Honestly, I debated whether or not to bring them into this. Kamu Musubi seems to be Takami Musubi’s original partner, as evidenced in some of the language used in the Izumo cycle, where the two are often together, and how they are both considered to be the parents of deities like Sukuna Bikona. It is, therefore, interesting that they don’t show up more prominently in this next part, and that is possibly because Amaterasu steps in as the strong female character.

Amaterasu - If you don’t know this kami yet, I don’t know what to say. Amaterasu is at the head of the modern pantheon. In household shrines, Amaterasu is often given pride of place, even over the deities of the local Shinto Shrine. She is also refereed to as Ōhirume, and she is considered the progenitor of the sovereign lineage of Yamato. By a quirk of fate—or storytelling—it just so happens that they can also trace themselves back to Takami Musubi as well. So there is a merging of these lines, which would make sense if you were trying to describe a lineage that had traditionally descended from one deity (Takami Musubi) and now you needed to show how they were related to another (Amaterasu). Fortunately, parents usually come in pairs, so it isn’t that difficult to explain.

Masakatsu Akatsu Kachi Hayahi Ama no Oshihomimi - He of the extremely long name. This is, in fact, one of the offspring of the “contest” between Susano’o and Amaterasu—in fact one of the first of the eight (or nine) princes. He and his descendants are charged with overseeing the Central Land of the Reed Plains. One thing we skip in the podcast, though, is the fact that some of the stories skip over him altogether—the stories where Takami Musubi is sending down his descendant, in particular. This is probably why they skip Oshihomimi and go to his descendant, a child born through the union of Oshihomimi (of Amaterasu’s lineage) and a daughter of Takami Musubi. But we’ll talk about that more in a future episode…

Ōkuninushi - AKA Ōnamochi, Ōnamuchi, Utsukushidama, Ōmononushi, et cetera. He was the fly in the ointment of the Heavenly gods’ plans. The god of Izumo Shrine is a creator god, who finished creating and governing the land—whether that was just Izumo or, as the Chronicles have it, the whole of the archipelago. The implication is that if he cedes the land over to the Heavenly Descendant, then this whole thing will be much more peaceful, but if he resists, he’ll sway others to resist.

Omoikane - A god of thought, though not all of his thoughts seem to work out. He did pretty good with getting Amaterasu out of the Heavenly Rock Cave, but not all of his ideas work quite as seamlessly.

Ame no Hohi - Another one of the kami that came out of the contest between Susano’o and Amaterasu, he is the ancestor of the Izumo no Omi, who, at least by the 8th century, were the traditional lords of Izumo and maintained their title as they maintained control of the Shrine of Ōkuninushi.

Ame no Wakahiko - The Young Prince who followed after Ame no Hohi, and who learned, too late, to “Fear a returning arrow.”

Shitateru Hime - Daugher of Ōkuninushi and wife to Ame no Wakahiko.

Ajisukitaka Hikone - A dear friend to Ame no Wakahiko, his brother-in-law, and it was said that the two looked exactly alike—so much so that not even their parents could tell them apart.

Itsu no Ohabari - Izanagi’s sword, who was later living in the Heavenly Rock Cave and accused of blocking the Heavenly Yasu River. The idea of objects taking on a spirit and becoming a type of kami themselves is a natural extension of the idea that places, trees, and rocks had spirits—why not something manmade as well? In the Heian period there were rites designed to properly dispose of items to ensure they wouldn’t become evil spirits, and there is a lovely scroll, with images and translation that you can find here:, in the Tsukumogami ki (The Record of the Tool Spectors); translation and scholarship by Noriko T. Reider.

Takemikazuchi - A descendant of Itsu no Ohabari, and considered a warrior thunder god. In one story he was created from the blood which dripped off of Izanagi’s sword, Ohabari, after the former had slain the Fire Kami, Kagutsuchi, whom he blamed for his wife, Izanami’s, death.

Futsunushi - Born from the rocks of the Heavenly riverbed itself, Futsunushi’s name is thought to come from the sound of a sword cutting through the air. Unlike Takemikazuchi, he also appears in the Izumo Fudoki and in the Kamuyogoto.

Kotoshironushi - Izumo’s own “Master of Thought”, Ōkuninushi refuses to even think about handing over the land without consulting with him, first.

Takeminakata - Another of Ōkuninushi’s sons, and clearly the muscle in Izumo. But can he stand up to the might of a heavenly thunder god?

Those are a few of the cast of characters from this episode.

Also, as we discuss Moyama, here is what is believed to be the resting place of Ame no Wakahiko, known as Moyama Kofun:

References

Torrance, R. (2016). The Infrastructure of the Gods: Izumo in the Yayoi and Kofun Periods. Japan Review, (29), 3-38. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/44143124
Ō, Yasumaro, & Heldt, G. (2014). The Kojiki: An account of ancient matters. ISBN978-0-231-16389-7
Carlsqvist, Anders (2010). The Land Pulling Myth and Some Aspects of Historic Reality. Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 37/2: 185-222. Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture. Accessed 4/22/2020 at https://nirc.nanzan-u.ac.jp/nfile/3016
Aoki, Michiko Yamaguchi (1997). Izumo Fudoki. Association for Asian Studies. Published by the Japanese Historical Text Initiative of the University of California at Berkeley at https://jhti.berkeley.edu/NIJL%20gateway.html
Chamberlain, B. H. (1981). The Kojiki: Records of ancient matters. Rutland, Vt: C.E. Tuttle Co. ISBN4-8053-0794-3
Aston, W. G. (1972). Nihongi, chronicles of Japan from the earliest times to A.D. 697. London: Allen & Unwin. ISBN0-80480984-4
Philippi, D. L. (1968). Kojiki. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. ISBN4-13-087004-1

Episode 20: Yakumotatsu Izumo, Part II

July 1, 2020 Joshua Badgley

Model of the 8th century administrative compound of the governor of Hahaki, in modern Tottori. This was the same layout found at the Izumo administrative facility on the Ou plain. From the Rekihaku Museum in Sakura, Japan. Photo by author.

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The clouds of Izumo are certainly billowing!

In Part 1 we went over the geography of the area that makes up the Izumo Cultural Zone, through the Yayoi up to the reign of Queen Himiko. In this episode we’ll take a look at the period from the Wa under Queen Himiko’s Yamato through the Kofun period, and examine what was going on with Yamato and Izumo. Was it a vassal state? Was it independent? what exactly is going on?

We’ll look at what we can. This is honestly a murky area, and it probably doesn’t help that we really haven’t covered the Kofun Period, but I thought it would be good to use this time to cover a few things.

Readings

So to start things off a little clarification. This episode I refer to the river that runs through Eastern Tottori as the Sendai River, but last episode I referred to it as the Chiyo River. So what gives? Well, it turns out that both are readings for the name of the river: 「千代川」. “Chiyogawa”, or “Chiyo River” is a very logical reading and I have found it in several English sources as well as some local names in Tottori. However, when I was looking at the modern river in Japanese, I found that it was most commonly called the Sendai River, at least in modern Japanese. This is not dissimilar from the Gō River, also known as the Ye or E River: 「江川」. All those readings make sense but it is clearly know as the Gō River, today. In that case, though, since the Ye River appears to be the name used in the Chronicles, I tend to default to that reading.

Another reading that we talk about in the episode is that of Wakatakeru, aka Yuryaku Tennō. Wakatakeru can be spelled using 「若武」, and that second character, 「武」, which we read as “Takeru” is the character we find the Liu Song chronicles, and the Sino-Japanese on’yomi reading is “Bu”. Yuryaku, of course, is a posthumous name—and one that was given much later—so the Chinese records would not have necessarily known the sovereign by that name.

Finally, not so much a reading, but a possible confusion: Izumo Taisha, aka Izumo Ōyashiro, aka Kizuki Taisha. So first off, 「大社」can be read as “Taisha” or “Ōyashiro”. Oddly, the latter is the more common reading in Izumo, but Taisha is more common in most of the rest of the continent. The other names, Kizuki v. Izumo, simply refer to where the shrine sits. “Kizuki” is the specific name of the land where the shrine sits, and was the formal name in most records up to the Meiji period. “Izumo” is the name of the current city and the ancient province—even the name of that specific district. So “Izumo Taisha” was the common name for years, and it became the official name in the Meiji period.

Yamato and the Round Keyhole Kofun

While this is an episode about Izumo, a lot of our discussion this episode focuses on the play between Izumo and Yamato, and so we should be aware of those things that help define just what is Yamato and how do So there are at least two things that people have used to trace the early development of the Yamato, since there really isn’t a lot in the written record that we can trust. One of them is the mounded tumuli that give the period its name, and the other is the various mirrors that have shown up in the archipelago. Both of these help us to get an idea of just what sorts of connections there were across Japan in the early days.

Mirrors

Regarding the bronze mirrors, the most famous are the old mirrors from Himiko’s time, and we have touched on them, before. Mirrors from Himiko’s time have been found across the country, and while they aren’t always found in a context contemporary to Himiko herself, their placement generally tells us that there was a connection at some point. IIt seems most reasonable to assume that those mirrors, rather than being horded by Yamato and doled out over the years were in stead distributed shortly after they came arrived as a means of achieving and maintaining the loyalty of members of the early Yamato political system. They may have remained in families for several generations, like fine china or silverware, passed from one member to the other, before they were actually buried with a member of the family,

It is of course possible that some of the mirrors were passed down to other vassals—from Yamato, to a member of the court, and then to some local elite, but even then there is some connection back to Yamato—the six degrees of Queen Himiko, as it were.

And after seeing this pattern with the mirrors identified from Himiko’s reign, similar patterns were established for other generations of mirrors. It isn’t always clear when a particular mirror was cast, though, nor when it was given out, so while we can see various networks and relationships, putting them in a chronological context can be difficult.

Of course, the importance of mirrors predates Himiko, but it is the combination of her and the kofun period that provides us most of our knowledge and understanding on the subject. In addition to their archaeological discovery, mirrors also play an important part in the stories. After all, a mirror was part of the display that lured Amaterasu out of the Heavenly Cave and became one of the three primary pieces of regalia for the coronation of a new sovereign.

Kofun

We’ve previously talked about the mounded tombs, and particularly the round keyhole shaped tombs, like Hashihaka kofun. The truth is that this is only one shape of many, though likely the most famous and iconic one. The general shapes are as follows:

Tsukuriyama kofun in Okayama, formerly known as Kibi no Kuni. The houses in the foreground give some idea of the size. This is a round keyhole style kofun, looking at the round back end with the trapezoidal front continuing to the left.

· Round Keyhole Tumulus (前方後円墳 / ZENPŌKŌENFUN) – Literally “Rectangular Front, Round Back Tumulus”, describing this classic shape. The largest kofun in the islands belong to this shape, and they are assumed to be the tombs of the sovereigns and the most important members of the Yamato state. More than any other shape, the Round Keyhole shape is assumed to demonstrate the historical extent of Yamato’s reach. Local chieftains and elites are buried in similar fashion, though perhaps on a lesser scale. The largest such kofun is Daisenryō Kofun, in Ōsaka, with a tomb mound of about 525 meters, and a total length, including moats, of about 840 meters. It is said to be the resting place of Nintoku Tennō.

· Square Keyhole Tumulus (前方後方墳 / ZENPŌKŌHŌFUN) – Similar to the round keyhole, but both the front and the back are rectangular. The assumption is that these were not regulated to the same degree that the round keyhole kofun were, which could explain their popularity in places like the Ou plain. It may have been a way for elites who didn’t have the proper connections or lineage to mimic the Yamato lineage without stepping on their toes. Alternatively, it may have been explicitly used by a particular class of individuals. They show up throughout the archipelago, including the Nara basin, where they can be quite large, even larger than some types of the round keyhole tombs. Though the shape may not be the same, they would have required labor on a similar scale. The largest such kofun comes in at 183 meters long, in Nara, while the largest in Izumo is Yamashiro Futago at only half that size, about 94 meters long.

Round style tomb mounds in Silla, on the Korean Peninsula, which share some similarities and grave goods with tombs in the Japanese archipelago.

· Round Tumulus (円墳 / ENPUN) – This is simply a round shape, without the front rectangular projection of the round keyhole shape. These also show up throughout the archipelago, and the largest ones are about 110 meters in diameter.

· Square Tumulus (方墳 / HŌFUN) – Similar to the round tombs, these are square or rectangular without any front projection. Early on in Izumo, these show up as similar to the four cornered burial mounds, but quickly they seem to lose the projections of the mounds and are built more like kofun in the rest of the archipelago. While not unique to the Izumo region, they are certainly more common there than any other area. In the early period, the largest hōfun was Tsukuriyama, on the Nogi Plain,* measuring 60 meters on a side. Later, larger hōfun would be built elsewhere. The largest of the late Kofun Period was 78 meters on a side, built in the Kantō area, in modern Chiba prefecture.

Professor Tsude Hiroshi suggested that the shape of the tumulus was dictated by one’s lineage, and the size had to do with the individuals relative rank in society. Thus those with Round Keyhole tombs would have been making a claim to a royal lineage. At least, that is one hypothesis.

Of course, not every tomb fits neatly into these categories, and there are some variants. There are other shapes related to these core forms: scalloped shape tumuli (帆立貝式墳), doubled tumuli (双円墳), or doubled keyhole shaped tumuli (双方中円墳), among others.

Examples of the round “Haniwa” (clay circles) that were made to adorn many kofun. Later, these would evolve into actual statues on top of a round base.

There are also many other features that we aren’t attempting to address here: The type of figures that adorned the tomb, the type of coffin, the type of burial chamber, the grave goods, etc.

As more and more kofun are studied, our knowledge continues to grow. Unfortunately, many kofun have disappeared. Some have been destroyed over the years or may only be recognized by the remains of coffins or stones found in excavation. And some of the most impressive are still considered the resting places of the ancient sovereigns of Yamato, and therefore are off-limits to any kind excavation. This used to be the case for all kofun, but archaeologists have gained access to more and more over the years. Limited investigations have been allowed on some, but still, one can only wonder at what still awaits discovery.

Satellite view from Google Maps showing Hashihaka kofun (lower left) as well as several other Round Keyhole tumuli (Kofun attributed to Sujin and Keiko, as well as Kushiyama Kofun and Chihara Ōhaka Kofun [round kofun]). For more, check out Google M… — Satellite view from Google Maps showing Hashihaka kofun (lower left) as well as several other Round Keyhole tumuli (Kofun attributed to Sujin and Keiko, as well as Kushiyama Kofun and Chihara Ōhaka Kofun [round kofun]). For more, check out Google Maps and search on Hashihaka and then explore the region, or use one of the Kofun map sites listed in this blog post.

If you would like more information on Kofun, I recommend the following sites, where you can look up some kofun in the various locations. Of course, even these databases have their limitations:

· Kofun Map – A project by a couple of people in Tokyo that is not nearly a complete record of all of the kofun, but it seems to be focused on kofun that you can go and visit. It is in Japanese, but they have lots of good info if you want to check out these kofun as a tourist. They also have some photos for some of the kofun, and include kofun and burials that don’t make the cut for some other databases.

· Japanese Ancient Tombs Database – A Japanese database of mostly keyhole tombs, but they have some other significant kofun as well. You can search on a variety of criteria, and they do have a basic introduction to Japanese kofun in English.

· Round Keyhole Tomb Database – A database of the various keyhole tombs. You can actually navigate via the map, even if you don’t speak Japanese, and see the locations of various kofun, as well as photos, if they are available.

References

· TORRANCE, Richard (2016). The Infrastructure of the Gods: Izumo in the Yayoi and Kofun Periods. Japan Review, (29), 3-38. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/44143124

· Barnes, G. L. (2015). The rise of civilization in East Asia: The archaeology of China, Korea and Japan. London: Thames & Hudson.

· Carlsqvist, Anders (2010). The Land Pulling Myth and Some Aspects of Historic Reality. Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 37/2: 185-222. Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture. Accessed 4/22/2020 at https://nirc.nanzan-u.ac.jp/nfile/3016

· 蓮岡、法暲　(2002)。「神原神社古墳」。加茂町教育委員会。http://doi.org/10.24484/sitereports.2419

· Piggott, Joan (1997). The Emergence of Japance Kingship. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press.

· Piggott, Joan (1989). Sacral Kingship and Confederacy in Early Izumo. Monumenta Nipponica, 44(1), 45-74. doi:10.2307/2384698

· -,- (1995)。「埋蔵文化財愛知No.42」。愛知県埋蔵文化財センター。http://www.maibun.com/DownDate/PDFdate/maibuai/42.pdf

Episode 19: Yakumotatsu Izumo, Part I

June 15, 2020 Joshua Badgley

Outline of a “four cornered burial mound” (四隅突出型墳丘墓) at the Mukibanda site. Photo by Reggaeman / CC BY-SA (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/)

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This episode we are diving into the archaeology of Izumo, focusing on Izumo as well as other areas in the “Izumo Cultural Zone” that shared many common archaeological features. Here in Part 1 we’ll talk about the geography of the cultural zone and some of the unique aspects of Izumo, including its architecture and the peculiar “four-cornered burial mound” that is such a distinctive shape and influences later mounded tombs in the area. We’ll look at a few of the Yayoi settlements and finds, and take it right up to the end of the Yayoi, during the reign of Queen Himiko.

Below is a map that may be helpful for following along with the narrative or looking up various places. Viewing the terrain can be particularly helpful. Also, in many cases you can zoom in via the satellite features and see some of the settlements and tombs that are still there or that have been reconstructed.

Areas of the Izumo Cultural Zone:

Western Izumo and the Izumo: Including Mt. Sanbe to modern Izumo city, between the Kando and Hii rivers, including the Izumo Plain.
Eastern Izumo: Modern Matsue on the Ou plain between lake Shinji and Nakaumi, and Yasugi on the Nogi Plain, south of Nakaumi.
Western Tottori: Modern Yonago, on the Hino River, west of Mt. Daisen.
Central Tottori: Modern Kurayoshi, on the Tenjin River, east of Mt. Daisen
Eastern Tottori: Modern Tottori on the Chiyo River.
Koshi: Hokuriku Region, including modern Fukui, Ishikawa, and Toyama prefecture.
Oki Islands: Including Dōgojima, Nakanoshima, Nishinoshima, and Chiburijima

In addition, you may want to reference Miyoshi, in modern Hiroshima Prefecture.

For a better look at those four cornered mounds, here is a model and information plaque from the Rekihaku Museum—the National Museum of Japanese History in Sakura. You can see the distinctive shape, and the fact that there are multiple burials inside each mound, as opposed to later mounded tombs that are usually for only one or two occupants.

References

-, - (Visited 6/13/2020) Archaeological Museum of Kojindani. http://www.kojindani.jp/iseki/index.html
-, - (Visited 6/13/2020). 四隅突出型墳丘墓. http://houki.yonago-kodaisi.com/F-K-kohun-4sumi.html - Visited 6/13/2020
De Boer, Elisabeth; Yang, Melinda A.; Kawagoe, Aileen; Barnes, Gina L. (2020). Japan considered from the hypothesis of farmer/language spread. Evolutionary Human Sciences (2020), 2, e13, pp1-20. http://doi.org/10.1017/ehs.2020.7
TORRANCE, Richard (2016). The Infrastructure of the Gods: Izumo in the Yayoi and Kofun Periods. Japan Review, (29), 3-38. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/44143124
Nojima, Hisashi (2015). Emergence and Development of Burial Mounds in the Yayoi Period, as noted in excavations at the Satadani, Satadao Burial Mound Group, Hiroshima Prefecture <Research and Studies at the Department of Archaeology: Article>. Hiroshima University bulletin of the Department of Archaeology, Issue 7, p1-12. http://doi.org/10.15027/38458
Carlsqvist, Anders (2010). The Land Pulling Myth and Some Aspects of Historic Reality. Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 37/2: 185-222. Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture. Accessed 4/22/2020 at https://nirc.nanzan-u.ac.jp/nfile/3016
Sakamoto, Toyoharu (2010) 。『矢野遺跡: 新内藤川改修工事に伴う埋蔵文化財調査報告書』。出雲市の文化財10。出雲市教育委員会。http://doi.org/10.24484/sitereports.19709
Kidder, J. Edward (2007), Himiko and Japan's Elusive Chiefdom of Yamatai: Archaeology, History, and Mythology. ISBN: 978-0824830359
Harada, Toshiteru, et al (2003) 。『板屋III遺跡　2　縄文時代～近世の複合遺跡の調査』。志津見ダム建設予定地内埋蔵文化財発掘調査報告書。 http://doi.org/10.24484/sitereports.2383
松井、潔 (2003)。「四隅突出型墳丘墓」。鳥取県埋蔵文化財センター。http://www.pref.tottori.lg.jp/secure/76301/yosumi.pdf
Piggott, J. (1997). The Emergence of Japance Kingship
Piggott, J. (1989). Sacral Kingship and Confederacy in Early Izumo. Monumenta Nipponica, 44(1), 45-74. doi:10.2307/2384698
Piggott, Joan (1989). Sacral Kingship and Confederacy in Early Izumo. Monumenta Nipponica, 44(1), 45-74. doi:10.2307/2384698