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  • Home
  • Armor Manual
    • Table of Contents
    • Introduction
    • 1. History of Armor
    • 2. Armour Parts
    • 3. Before Beginning
    • 4. The Kozane
    • 5. The Odoshi
    • 6. The Dō
    • 7. Making a Dō
    • 8. The Kabuto
    • 9. Making a Kabuto
    • 10. The Men Yoroi
    • 11. The Kote
    • 12. The Sode
    • 13. The Haidate
    • 14. The Suneate
    • 15. Misc. Armour
    • 16. Underneath It All
    • 17. Putting It On
    • 18. Chests and Stands
    • 19. Glossary
    • Bibliography
  • Clothing and Accessories
    • Introduction
    • Men's Garments
    • Men's Outfits
    • Men's Accessories
    • Men's Headgear
    • Women's Garments
    • Women's Outfits
    • Garment Construction
    • Fabric Colors
    • Kasane no Irome
  • Ryōri Monogatari
    • Table of Contents
    • Introduction
    • About the Text
    • 1 - Fish of the Sea
    • 2- Shore Grass
    • 3 - Fish of the River
    • 4 - Birds
    • 5 - Beasts
    • 6 - Mushrooms
    • 7 - Vegetables
    • 8 - Dashi, Namare, Irizake
    • 9 - Broths (Shiru)
    • 10 - Namasu
    • 11 - Sashimi
    • 12 - Simmered Dishes
    • 13 - Grilled Food
    • 14 - Clear Broths
    • 15 - Savory Sakes
    • 16 - Snacks with Sake
    • 17 - Noodles, Etc.
    • 18 - Sweets
    • 19 - Teas
    • 20 - Misc. Advice
  • Miscellany
    • Introduction
    • A Brief History of Japan
    • Japanese in the SCA
    • Japanese Names
    • Modes of Address
    • Japanese Heraldry
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    • The "Ninja" Thing
    • Calendar and Time
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    • Kai-awase
    • Card Games
    • Go
    • Shōgi
    • Sugoroku
    • Kemari
    • Japanese Campsites
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Episode 158: The Reign of Monmu Tennō

November 1, 2026 Joshua Badgley

18th century “portrait” of Monmu Tennō. Original in the public domain, downloaded from Wikimedia Commons.

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This episode we will be diving in with a quick overview of the reign of Karu, aka Monmu Tennō. And we can't talk about this and future reigns without also talking at least a little bit about Fujiwara no Fuhito, son of Fujiwara no Kamatari, who received exclusive rights to the name "Fujiwara" for himself and his descendants. I'm sure that won't mean much....

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  • Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo’s Chronicles of Japan.  My name is Joshua and this is episode 158:  The Reign of Monmu Tennō

    The young boy stayed quiet as he was led through the ceremony.  Despite his ceremonial garb, with an embroidered red robe and an high metal crown, the solemnity with which the rituals were carried out, and the deference with which he was shown by all those present, his youth was still evident..  Whether or not the court nobles felt that this young man would be fit as a ruler, they didn’t let anything show on their faces—especially not with her watching the proceedings.

    Though she had stepped down, the so-called “retired” sovereign still held ultimate power and authority—in some ways more than she had before.  After all, there was no clear precedent for what she had done.  Takara Hime had stepped down in favor of her brother after the Isshi Incident, but that was clearly a shift in power, as one could argue that the real power in the court—the Soga family—was no longer extant.  Uno no Sarara may have stepped down, but that didn’t mean she had stepped away. She was ensuring that things would continue smoothly.

    During the ceremonies, a well-dressed noble approached.  He was a common enough sight to Uno no Sarara and others in the court.  He had been a close supporter of the late Crown Prince, Kusakabe, and his star had continued to rise.  Even now he had a place working for the grand council of state.  His father had been a close confidant of Sarara’s father, and so it was not surprising that Fujiwara no Fuhito had found himself in such illustrious company.  Now he arrived with a gift for the newly crowned sovereign.  Wrapped in silk cloth, he presented the new sovereign with a sword.  Holding it before him as he knelt low, he explained how he had been given the sword by the late Kusakabe to hold in trust until his young son was ready to receive it.  Though the moment had come perhaps sooner than expected, he was honored to be able to hand it over and ensure that it found its place at the new tennō’s side.

    This episode we are diving into the reign of Karu, aka Monmu Tennō.  He was the son of Royal Prince Kusakabe, and the grandson of Uno no Sarara, which is to say Jitō Tennō, and Ōama, or Tenmu Tennō.  He was born in 683 and was put on the throne—somewhat hastily, it seems—in 697.  Based on that he was only 13-14 years old—15 by traditional Japanese reckoning, which counts someone as being 1 year old—or “in their first year”—when they are born.  Regardless, he was considerably younger than most sovereigns.  We haven’t yet seen a true “coming of age”, or “genpuku” ceremony, but when we do, it was common to hold it between the ages of 10 and 20, at which time, the individual would be considered a full adult.  Nonetheless, it feels like anything earlier than 20 was often done more for pragmatic purposes than anything else.

    In this case, Karu was coming to the throne not because of a death, but because his grandmother, Uno no Sarara, was stepping down.  Or rather, she was stepping into a different role: that of Dajō-tennō.  This is commonly translated as “retired tennō”, or “retired emperor”, but I would note that it literally means “Great Upper Tennō”, which would seem to imply that she was in a position superior to a current, reigning tennō. That reigning tennō, in this case, was Karu, and his grandmother was still present, and, apparently, still helping to run things. 

    There are some idea that her new title is actually something that was named later—that term wouldn’t show up in the updated law codes that we would see during this reign, so it may have been applied to her in retrospect.  Nonetheless, there is plenty to suggest that she continued to have a heavy hand in directing the State, and even after her death, others would continue to have some amount of influence over the throne. 

    This is going to overlap with some of the things we talked about in Episode 155—there we were looking at the rest of the reign of Uno no Sarara, in her role as Dajō Tennō, and as such, some of this may feel familiar.  But now I want to look at some of those things from a slightly different perspective. 

    A couple of notes on terminology before we dive in.

    Up until this point I’ve been rather pointedly using the term “sovereign” or similar terminology to refer the rulers of Yamato.  This is largely because the term “tennō”—or, alternatively, “sumera mikoto”—did not exist and was not in use until perhaps the time of Ōama—that is Tenmu Tennō—in the last quarter of the 7th century.  Even then, it may not have been truly used until later.  However, most scholars seem to agree that by this time, during the reign of Karu, it would have been in use.

    I likewise have been avoiding the use of the term “imperial” and “emperor”, at least for sovereigns in the archipelago.  “Emperor” has a host of meanings, depending on whom you ask.  In Europe, “Emperor” was largely reserved for those claiming a link to the Roman Empire or its successors, such as the Holy Roman Empire.  However, as the Holy Roman Empire fell apart, many European nations started claiming their own empires—the Austrian Empire, the British Empire, the Spanish Empire, the German Empire, et cetera.  Western scholars also tended to apply the term empire to other large polities, many of which oversaw smaller countries in their orbit.  Hence the Empire of India and the Empire of China, among others.  Indeed, the Chinese title of “Huangdi”—“Kōtei” in Japanese—has long been translated as “Emperor” and continues to be translated as such, today.  This is despite the many differences between how various Chinese dynasties operated when compared to the political system of Rome and Europe.    They were, however, both hereditary monarchies.

    If we accept that “Huangdi” is translated as “Emperor”, then it is a very small leap to see how the Japanese court at least expected to use the same term.  Ever since that brazen note sent “From the ruler of the land where the sun rises to the ruler of the land where the sun sets”, Yamato’s sovereigns have attempted to claim parity with the rulers of the Middle Kingdom.  This was definitely not reciprocated by the mainland dynasties.  Nonetheless, the Yamato court had adopted and adapted the rules and laws of the Middle Kingdom’s government.  That government was a bureaucracy, centered on a single figure.  In the Tang court, that was the Huangdi, the emperor.  In Japan it was a figure that would come to be known as the Tennō.

    It isn’t entirely clear why the Japanese people chose “tennō” instead of “kōtei” to refer to their ruler.  Tennō, or  “tian huang” in modern Mandarin, means something like “Heavenly Sovereign”. In Taoism it is used to refer to Tianhuang-Dadi, the supreme deity of the Sky, the North Star.  It was used, posthumously, to refer to Tang Gaozong, but it isn’t clear if that had any influence on its use by the Japanese court.  At the same time, the Court was emphasizing the tennō as a direct link to the Heavenly Deities, so it isn’t completely out of left-field, but there is no smoking gun document to tell us what was going on in their minds, and why they chose it over the term “kōtei”.  However, it is clear that they imagined themselves in a similrly grand positionto the Tang soveeign, from which flowed many of the assumptions about land ownership and more.  This was the central tenet supporting the State’s claim to authority outside of the ancient traditions.

    All that said, the use of the English term “emperor” as a  translation for “Tennō” likely comes from the fact that as Japan was opening up at the end of the Bakufu, in the late 19th century, and entering a world where all the great powers had labelled themselves as Empire, why wouldn’t Japan do the same?

    Despite all of this, I think that it is useful to refer to the ruler of Japan as “tennō” where possible, because this term is more precise.  “Emperor” may conjure ideas of who they were and what they controlled that go beyond the scope of the position as it was actually encoded into the laws and culture of the time.  While I believe “Emperor” and “Empire” may still be used without too many problems, I will likely continue to refer to them by their uniquely Japanese sobriquet.

    Speaking of which, the other item of terminology which I want to address is the name “Japan”, or “Nihon”.  Up to this point in the narrative, areas where “Nihon” appears to be said seem to be anachronistic, and may have been edits by the Chroniclers.  However, by the time of this current reign, it does seem to be the case that the name “Japan” was in regular enough usage that when the ambassadors went to the Tang court, they had to do an entire explanation of the name of their country, as the Tang records still had them listed as the land of “Wa”.  Since the Japanese appear to call it “Japan” at this point, it makes sense that we follow suit, with the exception of specific references, such as to the Province of Yamato.

    So there you go.  If you notice me using new terminology, perhaps this helps explain what is going on.

    Now, getting back to the story, let’s roll it back a bit…  Back to a time when it was still known mainly as Yamato.

    As I already mentioned, Prince Karu was born in 683 to Royal Prince Kusakabe, son of Ōama and Uno no Sarara.  His mother was Royal Princess Abe, the daughter of Naka no Ōe, aka Tenji Tennō, and his wife, Mehi no Iratsume, herself the daughter of Soga no Kurayamada no Ishikawa no Maro, making her both a half-sister and cousin to Uno no Sarara.  Once again, the royal family tree looks more like a narrow pole of intertwining branches than anything else.

    Prince Karu would have been in his fourth year when his grandfather, Ōama, passed away.  He was likely living with his father’s household in the palace of the Crown Prince at the time, and the several years of mourning for his grandfather would likely have left more of an impression on the young prince than any memories of his grandfather.  Then, in his 7th year, Prince Karu lost his father.  Prince Kusakabe died, and was unable to ascend the throne.  And so his grandmother took over and kept the government on track, silencing dissent and ensuring that the pathway was set for Karu to eventually succeed to the throne.  She outlasted Prince Takechi, who may have also had a legitimate claim, had he pressed.  But once Prince Takechi died, in 696, things changed.  Karu was, at that point, in his 14th year, and we see a flurry of activity.  He was given special tutors and formally moved into the palace of the Crown Prince.  A year later, Uno no Sarara would abdicate and Karu would come to the throne.

    It is speculated that this approach, namely abdication, was done to ensure a clean transition of power.  Up to this point, even though sovereigns had often named their heirs, the power vacuum that occurred upon a sovereign’s death was formidable.  One solution was for the Crown Prince to be placed in a position of significant power and control prior to taking their place on the throne.  For instance, Naka no Ōe had already orchestrated his own position of power, instituting significant changes through the Taika reforms.  He seems to have largely already been at the helm when his mother, Takara Hime, passed away AND they were in the middle of a war on the Korean peninsula.  As such, he did not appear to have any challengers when he formally took the throne.  However, in the case of his own Crown Prince, there is more confusion.  He first named his brother, Ōama, as his successor, but when his son, Ōtomo, came of age, he put him in charge of the Dajōkan, the Great Council of State.  As the Dajō-daijin, Ōtomo had considerable authority and the support of the Afumi court.  Ōama nominally stepped aside as Crown Prince and retired to Yoshino, but after Naka no Ōe’s death, Ōama moved on Ōtomo and the Afumi court, deposing them both and taking the throne for himself.

    Ōama and Uno no Sarara both worked to put their own touches on the sinicized style of government that Naka no Ōe had begun, solidifying and centralizing the power of the throne.  Ōama had numerous sons and possible heirs, but Uno no Sarara’s concerns were primarily for her own son, Prince Kusakabe.  Ōama had tried to ensure a peaceful transition by getting the various princes to swear to support one another.  However, as soon as he died, that broke down.  Uno no Sarara accused Prince Ōtsu of treason and he was executed, leaving Prince Kusakabe and Prince Takechi.  But Takechi, though Ōama’s eldest, had a tenuous link to the throne at best, as his maternal line was not directly connected to the royal lineage of Yamato.  That left a clear path for Kusakabe to ascend, but just before he would have done so, Kusakabe passed away, unexpectedly.  This left Uno no Sarara in a bind:  She could hand the throne over to Prince Takechi, Ōama’s eldest child.  However, the throne would likely then pass completely out of the hands of Uno no Sarara and her line, as tenuous as it was.  Still, he was still Ōama’s son and, by all accounts, had been hugely helpful to Uno no Sarara in running the country.  On the other hand, Kusakabe’s child, young Prince Karu, was only in his 7th year, and mainly in the care of his mother.  He was likely unaware of just how precarious a political situation he was in.  In fact, he probably saw Prince Takechi as a kindly uncle, and not as a political threat.  Still, had something happened to Uno no Sarara, Prince Takechi would likely have taken the throne, and may have been encouraged to ensure that Prince Karu could not challenge him when he came of age.

    Fortunately for Karu, this possibility was taken off the table when Takechi himself passed away.  This both cleared the way for Uno no Sarara to place her own son on the throne—something that would likely have been awkward with Prince Takechi still in the picture—and created a new sense of urgency.  After all, if Uno no Sarara passed away before securing the throne to her line, who knows what might have happened?  There was never a surfeit of ambitious nobles and princes ready to fill a vacuum.

    And so, though he was young, in 697, Uno no Sarara abdicated so Karu could take the throne.  By this point, in his 15th year, he likely had some inkling of what was going on, though how much is hard to say.  He was still a teenager.  If this were today he probably would have been in Middle School or just entering high school, but in the Fujiwara Capital he was seated on the throne as the Tennō—the Sumera Mikoto.  As such, I think it is reasonable to ask just how much autonomy he had in that position and how much he relied on others.  Specifically his grandmother, Uno no Sarara, though also his mother, Princess Abe.

    It is worth noting that for Karu’s entire life, he had grown up with the Taika reforms having already been made a reality.  The vision of the new State that his grandfather, grandmother, and even his great-grandfather had put together was not just some concept—it was the reality in which he had grown up.  While older individuals might have memories of how the court used to be, Karu would have been steeped in the new culture from an early age.  And in that time he had likely only ever known of one ruler.  So she had abdicated, but that doesn’t mean she gave up power.

    Karu did have siblings—two sisters.  Royal Princess Hidaka was the eldest.  She was three years older, and may have known their father and even her grandfather, though how much time she spent with either of them is debatable given the way things worked in the royal household.  Royal Princess Kibi seems to have been born in 686, and so was three years younger than Karu, and may not have had much, if any, memory of their father.  Both sisters would have had more contact with their mother, Imperial Princess Abe.  Neither were likely expected to take the throne, and were probably considered more valuable for their ability to be married off at some later stage in their lives, leveraging marriage politics to further secure the throne for their line.  However, that is not to say that they would not have their own impact on the Yamato court, in due time.  It is just that, at this juncture, neither was being groomed to take the throne, unlike Prince Karu.

    697 and 698 are a flurry of activities related to the ascension of Prince Karu.  The abdication and ascension were declared on the first day of the 8th month of the year.  Two weeks later we see the first senmyō, or royal edict, of the period.  It strikes me as largely propaganda—it reified the authority of the tennō as a living kami and supreme authority, and it exhorted the court officials to obey and enforce the laws of the land.  It also halved the field taxes and corvee labor for that year, and exempted tax rice for the next three.  These look like quick wins to get the populace on their side.  After all, who doesn’t like a tax cut? 

    Several days later, we see a record announcing Karu’s consorts.  These were Miyako, daughter of Fujiwara no Asomi no Fuhito, as chief consort, followed by daughters of Ki no Asomi no Kamado and Ishikawa no Asomi no Toneri. These were all powerful families in the court, but I cannot help but note what appears to be missing—any daughters of other royal princes or sovereigns.  It may have just been a matter of availability.

    For the first four years of Karu’s reign, he had his grandmother to help guide the State.  These early years we see continued expansion, especially into Tsukushi—that is to say, Kyūshū—and the “Southern Islands”—the chain of islands extending down into modern Okinawa and on to Taiwan.  These appear to be military and civil ventures—though we don’t get a lot of specifics.  We also see an emphasis on control of the provinces, sending out regional inspectors to check on how things were going and to determine rewards and punishments as appropriate.  And in 701, which was renamed as the first year of Taihō, we see the creation of a new set of law codes known as the Taihō Codes.  This is assumed to be a further refinement of the Asuka-Kiyomihara codes, with updates and additions, no doubt to refine things that had since been put into practice and had been found lacking for one reason or another.  The Taihō Codes will probably get their own episode at some point.

    In addition to all of that, we see increased contact with Silla and a new embassy to the Tang court.  This was the first formal embassy to the Tang since the normalization of diplomatic relations following the war against Baekje in the late 7th century.  It would not only re-establish relations with the Tang court, but it would also officially recognize the country of “Wo”, or “Yamato”, as the country known as “Nihon”, or “Japan”.

    Finally, in 701, we also see the birth of Prince Obito, Karu’s son.  Obito was born to Fujiwara no Miyako, Karu’s “Fujin” or “Chief Consort”.  Karu was now in his 19th year, while Miyako was 18.

    This had to be considered fortunate.  Karu was young, and yet had several years of experience as tennō.  He also had a son and possible heir.  The nation appeared to be thriving, though there was some discontent at the edges, such as in Southern Kyūshū, where the Hayato and Kuma people were pushing back against the imposition of rule by the central government.  There was also the occasional famine in various provinces, and epidemics, all of which the court appears to handle.  All told, it was fairly minor.

    Unfortunately, in 703, tragedy would strike.  Uno no Sarara, the Dajō Tennō and grandmother to Karu, passed away.  It must have been a sad time, but by then, Karu was a grown man, a father, and a ruler with some years of experience.    While her passing no doubt impacted the balance of power at court, it was, perhaps, not nearly as impactful as we might imagine had she not abdicated several years earlier.  Because of that, there was no great struggle or question of legitimacy.  Karu was clearly the Tennō, and there was no reason to think that he wouldn’t have a long and fruitful reign.

    Now don’t get me wrong, there is a lot going on at this point, and little things that we will definitely want to talk about.  However, when previous translators have said of the Shoku Nihongi that it was “dry as dust” they were probably referring to the myriad accounts of everyday occurrences.  Things like lists of names and who took what positions.  These are great for helping to understand the court, but they don’t always provide the most exciting narrative.  Nonetheless, boring is not bad for a nation that is finally finding itself.  Karu does not appear to have been a transformational sovereign as much as he was an institutional one.  By that I mean that his rule appears to have continued the trend of his forefathers, with Karu continuing to implement the codes—both the Ritsu and the Ryō—that had been established and to further solidify the position of the central government.

    And he might have gone on to do more, had he the time.  Unfortunately, fate is fickle, and in the year 707 Karu, the Tennō and ruler of Japan, fell ill and passed away.  He was only 25, by the Japanese reckoning.

    This must have come as a shock to many.  There are no long periods of illness mentioned in the text, though there are various famines and epidemics, as I noted.  Still, there would be no reason to think that Karu wouldn’t have lasted another 20 to 30 years.  Indeed, he could have been one of the longest serving tennō of all time.  Unfortunately, fate had other plans.

    Not only was Karu only 25 at the end of his reign, his only son and heir, Prince Obito, was only 7.  Fortunately, there do not appear to have been any other children of Ōama or Naka no Ōe still kicking about—Prince Osakabe had actually passed away earlier in the reign.  However, there were figures like Prince Nagaya.  Prince Nagaya was around Karu’s age—possibly a little older.  He was the son of Prince Takechi, who had been considered, at least briefly, a viable candidate for the throne.  And there were likely others who could similarly pull a claim to the throne if they tried. 

    And so, it was Karu’s mother, Princess Abe, who stood up and took the throne, claiming it as regent for the young Obito, and yet clearly ascending as a Tennō, nonetheless.  She was, after all, a daughter of Naka no Ōe, aka Tenji Tennō, and the wife of the former Crown Prince, Kusakabe, whom some would remember as the “Okanomiya” sovereign even though he never formally served in the position.  Abe would later be remembered as Genmei Tennō, and we will talk about her reign in a bit.

    As for Karu, he was granted the posthumous name of “Monmu”.  “Monmu” is spelled with the characters “Bun” and “Bu” or “Wen” and “Wu”.  That is to say the civil and military; the literary and martial. These aspects, combined, were at the heart of good governance, and it continues the trend we’ve seen.  From Tenji and Tenmu, the tennō of Heavenly Wisdom and the tennō of Heavenly Martial Virtue, through Jitō—“Continuing the Line”—and now culminating in the Tennō that combines the civil and the military.  We can see a deliberate attempt to shape the way people saw these figures in the longer historical narrative.  Whether or not it applies—well, that is something you can consider for yourself.

    For now, let’s go back and take a look at a couple of notable items from this reign.  Of particular interest is Miyako, the daughter of Fujiwara no Asomi no Fuhito and wife to Karu.   Miyako is mentioned as the “Chief Consort”.  I would note that she is not mentioned as “Queen”, or “Kōgō”, as other chief consorts were, but rather as “Fujin”.

    By all accounts, Fujiwara no Miyako was born in 684, making her a year younger than Karu.  Her father was Fujiwara no Fuhito—more on him in a bit—and her mother was from the Kamo family.  It is important to remember that, much like the Nihon Shoki, the Shoku Nihongi was compiled well after the events that are mentioned in it.  Therefore they had the benefit of knowing how the story ended, as it were.  Fujiwara no Miyako would be the only consort to produce an acknowledged heir for Karu; royal prince Obito—the future Shōmu Tennō.

    More than that, her father, Fujiwara no Fuhito, would likewise become extremely well-known.

    Fujiwara no Fuhito was the son of the famous Fujiwara no Kamatari.  Kamatari, you may recall from Episodes 107 through 128, was originally named “Nakatomi no Kamado” and later “Nakatomi no Kamatari”, before being granted the surname “Fujiwara” on his deathbed—or possibly posthumously.  During the reigns of Ōama and Uno no Sarara, we see members of the Nakatomi family using the Fujiwara name.  Notably we see Fujiwara no Ōshima.  Depending on the entry and the occasion, he is sometimes known as Fujiwara and sometimes known as Nakatomi, and appears to have taken over as the head of the Nakatomi clan from Nakatomi no Kane, who had been part of the Afumi court who had fought against Ōama during the Jinshin no Ran.  It is unclear if Ōshima’s own political career had been tainted by that association, but he appears to have done well for himself.

    The Chronicles don’t tell us much about Fujiwara no Fuhito, but he is thought to have been born in 659 to Nakatomi no Kamatari.  He was Kamatari’s second son—his elder brother was the monk Jōe, who famously traveled to the Tang dynasty in 653, before the hostilities broke out on the Korean peninsula.  Jōe returned in 665, but died later that same year, and so he and Fuhito, who would have only been in his 7th year, likely knew very little of each other.  Likewise, when Kamatari passed away in 669, Fuhito was only 11.   So for all of his father’s power and influence during his life, it is unclear how much of that accrued to the young Fuhito.

    We don’t know for sure what Fuhito was doing during the Jinshin no Ran.  He would have only been about 14 at the time, and so likely was not part of the fighting.  He likewise avoided being lumped in with Nakatomi no Kane and others.  There is an account in the Shōsōin attached to a sword in the possession of Shōmu Tennō, that is to say, Obito.  It claims that the sword was originally owned by none other than Crown Prince Kusakabe who, before he died, entrusted it to a 30-year-old Fujiwara no Fuhito.  At that time, Fuhito was at the lowest rank of the middle tier of official servants—what was later considered “Junior 5th Rank”.  Fuhito, who had been appointed a judge, was likely quite expert in the law codes of the time, which may have been, at least in part, how he was recognized.  When Karu came to the throne, the documentation in the Shōsōin says that Fuhito gifted him his father’s sword.  However, when Karu passed away, Fuhito once again received the sword into his possession to hold it in trust.  When Fuhito finally passed away, he had the sword passed to then Crown Prince Obito, who would eventually bequeath it to the Shōsōin at Tōdaiji.

    Herman Ooms, in his book, “Imperial Politics and Symbolics in Ancient Japan” notes that this demonstrates Fuhito’s position as “crown protector”, and that it cemented the relationship between Fuhito and Uno no Sarara following Crown Prince Kusakabe’s death.  He makes the claim that Fuhito, in holding Kusakabe’s sword, stood in as a kind of protector of the realm while there was no male heir ready to take the throne.  In that way, he supported Uno no Sarara, and thus gained favor.

    In fact, the first we see of him in the record is in 689, during the reign of Uno no Sarara.  He is listed with a series of individuals who were made judges.  He would have been about 30 at the time.  At some point he was made Chūnagon, or “Middle Counselor”, and later, in 701, to Dainagon, or “Greater Counselor”.  So he had made it to the Dajōkan, the Great Council of State, where he would later serve as Minister of the Right, the Udaijin.

    Needless to say, Fujiwara no Fuhito, while not yet the most powerful member of the court in 701, certainly saw his star on the rise.  Indeed, in the 8th month of 698, before the Dajōsai was carried out—the first fruits of Karu’s reign as Tennō—a royal edict would be issued that would declare that the name of “Fujiwara no Asomi” was to be inherited by Fujiwara no Fuhito, alone, and that all other members of the Nakatomi clan would be known simply as Nakatomi.  This edict is why we see some confusion in the records up to this point, since anyone in the Nakatomi uji could claim to be “Fujiwara”.  This would be an important ruling in the future, as it marks Fuhito as essentially the founder of the Fujiwara house as we would know it in future generations.

    The reasons for this edict have been bandied about and debated.  Most likely it seems to be drawing a line between the ceremonial duties of the Nakatomi clan and the administrative duties that Fuhito was taking on, continuing the work of his father, Kamatari, who had helped Naka no Ōe overthrow the Soga and institute the Taika reforms, setting in motion the development of the first true law codes.  Fuhito would continue that work, working on the Taihō codes and, at least until his death, working on revisions for the future Yōrō code.

    Unfortunately, a lot of this is simply reading between the lines of what we have in the Shoku Nihongi.  Even the Tōshikaden, the House Records of the Fujiwara Family, are not much help.  They cover Kamatari and Fuhito’s older brother, Jōe, but there is a distinct lacuna when it comes to Fuhito.  Instead, the narrative skips over him entirely to his son, Muchimaro.  This leaves us with many questions about his early childhood and what had happened.  Instead we catch glimpses, at least until the point in the story where he became one of the Dainagon, and is much more active in the narrative.

    The other thing we know about are his sons.  Fujiwara no Fuhito had four sons:  Muchimaro, Fusasaki, Umakai, and Maro, all of whom would become powerful nobles in their own right.  A fifth son, Nagako, may have also been slated for greatness, but something seems to have befallen him, as he shows up only once in the record and then disappears.  Fuhito also had four daughters, and he would end up marrying off two of them to the Tennō—one to Karu, and one to Obito, Fuhito’s grandson, once he was of age.

    Fuhito clearly had ambition and influence—and he must have had a keen understanding of the politics of his time.  However, because of his and his family’s later achievements, it is also possible to assume that an even more substantial role was attributed to him by the Chroniclers because, again, they knew how things would eventually turn out.  Fuhito would have been downright famous in later centuries, when his house was entrenched as one of the most influential and powerful noble houses.    As such we shouldn’t overlook the myriad other names that grace these histories.

    But that is something that will need to wait until a later date.  For now, we are going to just go with this brief overview.  We can see that Karu’s reign is still substantial—10 years—but also cut unexpectedly short.  That will actually bring his own mother, royal princess Abe, into the spotlight.  We will also want to keep an eye on the rising influence and power of the Fujiwara family.

    And we’ll want to check out what was actually in those law codes, diplomatic relations with the Tang court, and so much more.

    Until then if you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts.  If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website,  SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode.

    Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page.  You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com. 

    Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast.

    And that’s all for now.  Thank you again, and I’ll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo’s Chronicles of Japan.

 

References

  • Bentley, John R. (2025). Nihon Shoki: The Chronicles of Japan. ISBN 979-8-218634-67-4 pb

  • Bauer, M. (2020). The History of the Fujiwara House: A Study and Annotated Translation of the Tōshi Kaden. Amsterdam University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781912961191.

  • Anon. (2005). 1000 Poems from the Manyoshu: The Complete Nippon Gakujutsu Shinkokai Translation. Dover Publications. ISBN: 978-0486439594.

  • Aston, W. G. (1972). Nihongi, chronicles of Japan from the earliest times to A.D. 697. London: Allen & Unwin. ISBN 0-80480984-4.

In Podcast Tags Yamato, Japan, Japanese History, Monmu Tenno, Fujiwara Fuhito, Genmei Tenno, Shomu Tenno, Uno no Sarara, Fujiwara Miyako
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Episode 154: Queen Uno no Sarara, Part 2

August 1, 2026 Joshua Badgley

Jitō Tennō as depicted by Katsukawa Shunshō in the 18th century as part of a collection of notable poets. She is depicted wearing the ceremonial robes of the Tenno, dressed in the same attire as her male counterparts. Image in the public domain, downloaded from Wikimedia Commons.

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We pick up in this episode where we left off, with the life and reign of Queen Uno no Sarara. We look at what she did in and out of the court, and all that she did to ensure the smooth transition of power to her grandchild, Prince Karu.

Below are a couple of the places and people discussed this episode:

Kii no Kuni (紀伊國)

The ancient country of Kii makes up the southern half of the Kii Penninsula in the area now known as Wakayama Prefecture as well as parts of southern Mie Prefecture, right up to the land of Ise. It is a largely mountainous region, and has long been an area with great spiritual connections. In the south of Kii was Kumano, the home of the Kumano Sanzan (熊野三山), the triple shrines of Kumano Hongu Taisha (熊野本宮大社), Kumano Hayatama Taisha (熊野速玉大社), and Kumano Nachi Taisha (熊野那智大社). The Buddhist incarnation of the three deities is referred to as the Kumano Gongen (熊野権現).

Tō-no-mine (多武峰)

Called “Tamu no Mine” by Aston, based on a phonetic reading of the characters—and likely somewhat closer to the original pronunciation—today this appears to refer to two places. There is a Tō-no-mine east of Asuka and due south of modern Sakurai. There is a natural path up through the valleys into the mountains, starting from the Ishibutai kofun group, today. However, there is also the idea that this may refer to something in Nara—a smaller ridge where there are ancient stone works from the time of about Takara Hime—Saimei Tennō. This is where we find the enigmatic Sakabune-ishi, as well as stone walls and a tortoise basin at the foot of the hill. These are all thought to have been related to work that Takara Hime had done, which included the building of a walled enclosure and the creation—or at least designation—of the Futatsuki Palace (両槻宮・ニ槻宮). However, this is all conjecture as there is no clear evidence of where things were happening. It could be that there was also a palace built further up in the mountains, or it could be that the name migrated at a later date, perhaps after many of the original names were forgotten. All of this becomes hard to prove one way or the other without more evidence.

  • Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo’s Chronicles of Japan.  My name is Joshua and this is episode 154: Queen Uno no Sarara, Part II

     ——————————————————-

    Light drifted in from outside the grand audience hall.  It filtered through barred windows and screens, and glinted off of bright gold and bronze accents, as well as the polished stone floor.  Upon a raised dais, surrounded by curtains, sat the tennou, arrayed in all of his youthful majesty.  Before him were princes and high ranking nobles, dressed in their finest court clothing.  Rich brocades of silk and black gauze hats only added to the pomp and circumstance of the moment.

    The nobles bowed and brought out a small tray.  Upon it were seventeen scrolls, freshly made, representing the latest updates to the laws and punishments of the land.  The nobles presented the work they had overseen, the culmination of a year’s effort to further bring into line the organization of the state. 

    Off to the side, behind a screen of her own, Uno no Sarara watched the proceedings.  She thought back on all that had happened to bring them to this point.  This glittering hall was a far cry from the plain wooden structures of the old Kiyomihara palace.  And while she had never visited them, she could only imagine that this must rival the courts on the continent.  Everything that she and her husband had worked and fought for—all of the battles  they had fought, and all of the friends and children they had lost—she watched as it all came to fruition.

    The court was never going to be entirely peaceful—there would always be those striving for wealth and power, however they could attain it—but at this moment she no doubt felt as confident as she ever had that her efforts hadn’t been for naught.  No matter what happened from here, the State, and her line, would continue.

     ——————————————————-

    So let’s recap: We started with Part I of Uno no Sarara’s reign back in episode 152, and then last episode we took a bit of a detour to go more in depth on the history of Ise and of the worship of Amaterasu more generally.  We talked about how there is good reason to believe that Ise shrine’s prominence—and even many of the stories about Amaterasu and her importance in the story of the royal family—were either created or at least emphasized during the reigns of Ohoama and Uno no Sarara.  We ended with a discussion of the Jingikan, the newly created government organization developed to deal with so-called “Kami Matters”, formally bringing the administration various shrines under the administration of the State.  Specifically it seems to have focused on State sponsored rituals.  I have no doubt that they took charge of the rituals at court itself, and they were likely involved in the worship at Ise Shrine, as well as the shrines of Tatsuta and Hirose.  On the other hand, as with the spread of Buddhist temples, direct State control was likely limited, at least at this stage, likely focused on the most influential institutions.

    This episode I want to continue with Uno no Sarara’s reign.  She continued to make her mark on the court, tweaking how things worked, especially around the concept of rank.  And then there were her various travels.  These were mostly to her palace in Yoshino, but several other journeys, including a tour of the land of Kii—modern Wakayama prefecture—as well as a visit to her half-sister, Royal Princess Asuka. For all of that, however, the entry in the Nihon Shoki ends with what was perhaps one of the most direct and unique things she did:  Ensuring a smooth transition of power to her grandchild, Prince Karu. And while in this episode we’ll (spoiler alert) cover both this power transition and Uno no Sarara’s eventual death, we won’t be done with her reign and its impact after this episode.  After all, there is still a lot going on around this time, and multiple different threads to pull on.  I expect several more episodes to cover things, such as the creation of hunting and fishing preserves, Buddhist merit-making, crime and punishment, and more.  There are also a few more people to talk about, such as Kakinomoto no Hitormaro, the court poet, and Fujiwara no Fubito and the establishment of the Fujiwara family as we know it.

     

     So let’s take a look at Uno no Sarara and what she was up to.

    She was still very much putting her stamp on things, tweaking the codes and making edicts.  One of the more impactful edicts would seem to be one where she had the government officials and people of the Home provinces all divided into nine classes.  This seems to be introducing yet another rank system, though this one is a bit more technical than the ones that came before.

    For one thing, it divided everyone up into nine ranks.  To do this, the court were going to take a look at a period of up to 6 years for those who already had rank and up to 7 years for those who did not.  The court—presumably court appointed judges—would use that period to evaluate individuals and slot them into a new system of nine classes.  Those in the first four classes would be given cap-rank based on their individual merits, the services that they had performed, and the importance of their house.  There isn’t really a mention about the other five classes, but as they were theoretically the lower classes of society, it may not have been quite so pertinent.  BTW, of the three things that they were using to determine cap-rank, that last one, the importance of the individual’s house, strikes me as the nod to the fact that the Japanese had not yet gotten away from the idea of “kabane” type hierarchy.  Granted, it isn’t like family was unimportant in the Tang court, the Japanese were just being much more blatant and direct about it.

    Once everyone was properly sorted into the appropriate cap-rank, new edicts were issued on the official court clothing, which we discussed in Episode 150, and if you check out the blogpost you should be able to see what that looked like.

    I would note that the cap-rank system would eventually go away and be replaced by a rank system also based on 9 ranks, which then were broken up into upper and lower and junior and senior, so very similar to what we see with cap-rank, with some slight changes. 

    Uno no Sarara continued to make tweaks to the system, while working on the various large scale projects of the reign.  She wasn’t exactly a homebody, however.  As she did all of this, she was regularly taking trips away from the capital.

    For example, between 689 and 697 she took at least 30 trips to visit Yoshino, sometimes taking as many as five trips in a year.  These were often short—a couple of days and then back to the grind of the court.  However, that’s all that we get.  Based on the dates, we can at least make a few inferences.  For one, she was going down in all seasons, so she really must have enjoyed it, and it doesn’t seem like it was attached to any particular official date or ritual.  Perhaps it just got her away from the pressure of official life.

    Some of her travel appear to have been work trips.  Her travel to Ise, which we talked about in the previous episodes, as well as things like traveling to visit the Castle of Takayasu and also to inspect horses at the embankment of Wani-no-kami.  Those appear to have been both trips where she was keeping an eye on things. Other trips, however, provide fewer details.  Mostly we know where she went.  This included trips to Hatsuse, Kii, Takamiya, and Yonabari, in Uda.  We are also told she ascended the Peak of Tou no Mine and later that she made another journey out to the Futatsuki Palace—presumably at the same place.  And we also have a trip out to the country-house of Royal Princess Asuka.

    Now Hatsuse, Kii, and Uda are all places we’ve previously talked about.  They are all on the Kii peninsula.  Hatsuse—or Hase—and Yonabari, in Uda, are both due east of modern Sakurai, following the Yamato upriver and then branching off to the aptly named Yonabari river.  These areas are well-referenced in the rest of the Nihon Shoki. 

    “Kii” is a bit more ambiguous.  Kii refers to the entire land of Kii, or Kii no Kuni—by the way, if you are familiar with the Japanese bookseller “Ki-no-kuni-ya”, that name directly references the land of Kii as the family who started it were from Wakayama in Kii, where they served under the Kishu—or Kii—branch of the Tokugawa family during the Edo period.  That said, there were others who also used the name “Kinokuni” as a locative name as well, and you will occasionally see it here or there, even outside of the famous bookstore.

    The land of Kii is basically all of the southern Kii peninsula.  On the west side, it starts at roughly Wakayama, and includes the mountainous regions south of the Nara basin, wrapping around to the east side of the peninsula, to just south of Ise.  Today it is split between Wakayama prefecture and parts of Mie prefecture, including the towns of Kihoku—literally “Northern Kii”—and Taiki—“Big Kii”.  Today, “Taiki” is part of the Watarai district, Watarai being the name of the location where Ise shrine was located.  So you can see that Kii basically included everything from one side of the peninsula to the other.

    Most of the time, though, I would generally assume that travel to Kii is a reference to the nearby area of Wakayama, especially as there are other references to that area in the form of hunting and fishing restrictions, which we’ll discuss more fully in a later episode.

    This particular trip to Kii sounds like it was a bit of a longer trip, incorporating several locations.  We know that it took roughly eleven days—about a week and a half.  That’s enough time to do quite a bit of sightseeing.  In fact, shortly before leaving, Uno no Sarara says that she is going on a “tour” of the land of Kii, and as such the land-tax and poll-tax for Kii would not be collected for a year, since, instead, they were expected to support her visit so that she could travel in appropriate style and so that temporary palaces could be made available for her use. 

    Kii is an interesting place for Uno no Sarara to visit.  It is mentioned occasionally throughout the chronicles, and its position puts it squarely in Yamato’s sphere of influence.  At the same time, its mountainous nature means that it was never quite as populated as regions like the Nara basin or the Kawachi plains, where the large, flat areas were better suited to wet rice paddy agriculture.  In Kii, there are only a few areas really suitable for supporting large populations through agriculture alone, and even today the mountains make travel and construction in the area more difficult, so you don’t have the highly concentrated population centers as in other regions.  The area around modern Wakayama city provides some of the best land for agriculture, with some other coastal regions as well.

    But it is mountains that Kii is known for, and the mountains often have spiritual significance.  Mt. Koya, or Koyasan, would be found in 805 as the center of Shingon Buddhism, but well before that you have the Kumano shrines, also known as the Kumano Sanzan—the three mountains of Kumano.

    There is a lot of evidence that worship at the three mountains of Kumano was heavily influenced by Buddhism and Buddhist traditions, but that this was a later influence on areas that were already important spiritual sites well before Buddhism arrived in the archipelago.  The exact nature of worship is debated, but the area was important, with “Kumano” once treated as its own land, overseen by the Kumano Kuni no Miyatsuko.  The deities of Kumano and the area more generally features in the Nihon Shoki in the legendary stories of Iware Biko, aka Jimmu Tenno.

    The Kumano shrines are, ultimately, a series of shrines in the Kumano region, roughly 20-40 kilometers from each other.  There are three main shrines—Kumano Hongu Taisha, Kumano Hayatama Taisha, and Kumano Nachi Taisha—known as the three mountains.  There are numerous other shrines as well.  There are three main deities worshipped, but then also another nine that are considered important as well, for at least twelve kami.  The three main kami – Kumano Musubi no Ohokami, Hayatama no Ohokami, and Ketsumi Mikoto Ohokami – are also considered to be manifestations of Izanami, Izanagi, and Susano’o.  Izanami and Izanagi are famously the progenitor kami of the archipelago, while Susano’o is the storm and ocean deity said to be the rambunctious and troublesome brother to Amaterasu Ohokami.   It is quite likely that the connection with these other kami—who feature prominently in the later stories, was actually a later addition.  Similarly, around the 9th century, the Kumano shrines were heavily influenced by Buddhism, which often co-opted indigenous kami worship by associating the native kami with incarnations of Buddhist figures.  In this case:  Thousand-armed Kannon, Yakushi—or the Medicine—Buddha, and Amithabha.  I must say that associating Amithaba—or Amida—with Susano’o seems like a bold move.  The deity who tossed a backwards flayed colt into Amaterasu’s weaving hut is also the Buddha who made the promise that all who call on his name would find their way to the western pure land? I guess.

    Together, the kami of Kumano are known as the Kumano Gongen, and there is a pilgrimage trail, even today, that leads between the various shrines and peaks, as well as various temple complexes in the area.

    There is one other interesting connection with Kumano shrines, and that is the fact that there is a Kumano Taisha up in the Izumo region.  Today, they claim that despite the names being identical, there are no actual ties between Kumano Taisha and the Kumano Sanzan.  The Kumano Taisha of Izumo is actually considered the Ichinomiya, or most important shrine, of Izumo—even more important than the famous Izumo shrine, itself.  It lies 30 minutes south of modern Matsue, and enshrines a kami known as Kushi-mikenu-no-Mikoto, said to be another name for none other than the famous Susano’o.

    Kumano Taisha claims to have been first mentioned in the Nihon Shoki back in the time of Takara Hime, aka Saimei Tennou, in an entry from 659, though that entry simply states that the Izumo no Miyatsuko was to repair the shrine of the “Itsuki” kami, and doesn’t specifically mention Kumano Taisha by name.  There is an entry attributed to the Izumo fudoki, which claims a shrine was located on Mt. Kumano, identified with modern day Tenguyama.  And then, Kumano Taisha appears in the Engi Shiki in the 10th century.  Suffice it to say, there are many different ways that this can be interpreted.

    Scholars have attempted to look into the potential connections between Kumano Taisha in Izumo and the Kumano Gongen of Wakayama, but it does not appear that there is a fully formed consensus.  I would note that we certainly see various important worship centers branching out throughout the archipelago, setting up branches elsewhere, and we also see the association of various local kami with other, more famous kami, making the claim that they are simply another name for the same entity.  This would appear to be one way to bring different groups into communion with each other, as it were, and helping to gloss over the potential difficulties found in diverse belief and worship practices.

    As a side note, there is at least one other Kumano Taisha of note, found up in the Tohoku region.  It claims to be the “Ise of Tohoku”, with a focus on Izanami and Izanagi.  It seems to claim a founding around the early 9th century at the Tenno’s request.  Given that, I think we can ignore it for our current discussion.

    To bring this all back around, it is unclear if Uno no Sarara’s tour of Wakayama included the Kumano shrines at this time.  Certainly Kumano would play an important role in the legends and stories that the court was putting together, but what structures were in place at this point in the story are unclear.  Her tour may have focused much more on the area around modern Wakayama.  Her tour of the area took a total of eleven days, which is more than enough time to have seen a fair bit of the area, and certainly would have been enough time to get down to the Kumano region, but we don’t have any clear details that I see to say exactly what happened.

    Still, I do find it interesting to look at the juxtaposition of the Kumano shrine story with that of Ise.  Both took on some aspects of the official stories of the founding of Japan and appear to have been important shrines for the court to some extent, and both the trip to Ise and the trip to Kumano were events such that local taxes were commuted for a time to help pay for the royal visit.

    But whereas Ise would go on to reject the merging of Buddhism with local kami worship, Kumano appears to have embraced it.  Kumano worship took on a highly syncretic character, with Buddhism and Kami worship becoming inextricably intertwined, maintaining that character even today, despite numerous historical attempts to extricate the two from each other.

    Ultimately, Ise shrine would take pride of place as the national shrine of the royal family, but I can’t help but wonder what would have happened if Kumano had been more ascendant.

    Getting back to our discussion of Uno no Sarara’s various peregrinations:  we also have what appear to be two trips up to Tou-no-mine—the modern pronunciation for the name which Aston transliterates as “Tamu no Mine”.  This is the peak where, about forty years earlier, Takara Hime is said to have built a circular enclosure and called “Futa-tsuki” or two “Tsuki” trees palace.  It was also known as “Ama-tsu-miya”, the Heavenly Palace.  The modern Tou-no-mine is a mountain to the southeast of Asuka, however, there is also a theory that the Tou-no-mine and Futa-tsuki palace were actually on a small hill just due east of the Kiyomihara palace site.  This is where we find walls, the Sakafune-ishi stone, and other examples of work from the time when the Futa-tsuki palace would have been built.

    That said, to get to Tou-no-mine, we are told it was a two day trip—one day out and one day back.  That said, it wouldn’t have all been spent traveling.  In fact, Tou-no-mine, today, is under two hours walking distance.  The site by the palace is much closer, and the entry for going to the Futatsuski is only mentioned on a single day.  So none of that is particularly helpful, in my opinion.  Ultimately, we know that it was a location near Asuka and that it was associated with Takara Hime, the last female sovereign in her own right—even though her reign was arguably run largely by her son, Crown Prince Naka no Oe.

    Speaking of whom, Naka no Oe was not only the father of Uno no Sarara, but also of Royal Princess Asuka.  So when Uno no Sarara went to Asuka’s country house, also known as the Denso or Tadokoro, she was actually going to pay a visit on her own half-sister.  By the way, “country-house” is the Aston translation.  A more direct translation might be something like “Field Place”.  It was a private estate belonging to powerful families, such as the local elites—or in this case the royal family.  It is a rare glimpse into the living conditions of those royal princes and princesses who were not resident in the palace itself.  I do find it interesting that it specifically identifies the royal princess and not some male relative or husband—and Uno no Sarara isn’t really noted as visiting a lot of family members all over the place.  I’ve seen a suggestion that Asuka may have been married to Prince Osakabe, one of Temmu’s sons, but if so it is interesting that Uno no Sarara goes to visit her house and not his house.

    Princess Asuka is not mentioned much, but given this and a few other things—including being mentioned in the Man’yoshu in connection with a poem by the famous Kakinomoto no Hitomaro—she seemed to be someone important, even though we don’t have a lot of information on what that looked like at the time.

    And with that, we’ve covered most of Uno no Sarara’s travels.  We discussed her near-constant trips to Yoshino, then there were official visits to inspect the fortifications and horses.  Granted, that latter duty was also done just at the palace, in Asuka, so it wasn’t necessarily terribly special.  There was her expedition to Ise, which we discussed in a previous episode, and then down to tour the land of Kii.  There were short jaunts out to Hatsuse and Yonabari.  And the largely unexplained visits to Tou-no-mine and the enigmatic Futa-tsuki palace.  Finally, there was a note about her calling on her half-sister, Princess Asuka.

    So that was what Uno no Sarara was doing when she wasn’t at the court.  Otherwise, whether it was in the Asuka Kiyomihara palace or in the new Fujiwara Palace, she was dealing with the business of the state.  Much of what is recorded are fairly common things—banquets, archery competitions, and similar events that are interesting in aggregate, perhaps, but maybe not so helpful in figuring out the larger trends that were occurring at the time.  There were edicts and changes, but we can talk about those separately.  There were natural disasters, as well.

    Overall, she spent eleven years on the throne, from 686 to 697.  In that time, she finished much of the work started by her husband, put her own stamp on the new government, and, perhaps most importantly, she set up her grandson for success.  It is worth nothing that Uno no Sarara’s posthumous regnal name is Jitou Tennou, and while that was probably not something she chose for herself, it may give us some insight into how the Chroniclers viewed her.  Remember that the brothers, Naka no Oe and Ohoama, were given the names “Tenji” and “Temmu”, respectively.  Tenji is “Heavenly Wisdom”, and he is counted as the brains behind the Great Change, the Taika reforms, and much of the shape that the state took from 645 onwards.  Temmu is something like “Heavenly Warrior”.  The victor of the Jinshin no Ran was remembered for his military strategy, even though that was really only a small part of his overall reign.  The characters of Jitou’s posthumous title are two characters.  The first, “Ji”, means “to hold” or “to have”.  The other character is “tou” and generally means “relationship” or “to control”.  It can also refer to unification.

    This is often considered to mean that her role was seen as continuing to hold the throne and continue the work of her husband and his line, his progeny.  In this case, that means strengthening the state that Ohoama had built, following through on his national projects, and ultimately ensuring that the throne passed seamlessly to Ohoama’s grandson, ensuring that his line would continue.  Of course, it probably should be noted that of course it was also her own bloodline that she was continuing as well, something that would become important in later years.

    And it is easy for us to look at this as simply editorializing by the Chroniclers, who were, after all, trying to craft a national narrative as well as record the history.  In many ways the use of these posthumous titles allowed them to do that—to summarize an entire reign into something that could be easily remembered.  And yet, based on the actions that she has taken, there certainly seems to be something to this description of Uno no Sarara and her motivations.

    We saw, early on, how she cleared the way for her own son, Crown Prince Kusakabe, getting rid of his potential rival for the throne, Prince Ohotsu, and thus potentially averting another conflict at the start of the reign.  But then Kusakabe died, leaving her with his young son, and while placing a young infant on the throne might have become a thing in later centuries, that precedent had not quite been set just yet.  Even as it was, Uno no Sarara likely had some concept that she could not know how many years she would get.  A decade on the throne was nothing to sneeze at, and many sovereigns had much less. 

    And so, beyond setting up the structure of government that her grandson would inherit, she also had a few more things to ensure.  She would want him to be old enough to be taken seriously, and she would need to make sure that there were no other claimants that could complicate matters.  There was only one other serious candidate that fit that description, and that was Prince Takechi.

    Remember, Prince Takechi was Ohoama’s eldest son.  He was also a maternal descendant of the Munakata, meaning that he didn’t have the double-royal imprimatur that was presumably required to take the throne as the sovereign.  And yet, Uno no Sarara was no doubt savvy enough to understand that those kinds of traditions changed quickly and easily in the past, as long as one had the right political backing.

    At the same time, Uno no Sarara appears to have leaned heavily on Prince Takechi’s support.  It was a risk, but his support for her efforts would help her do what she needed to do.  Not only that, but if anything did happen to the young Prince Karu, Prince Takechi was the next in line.  He was also the Dajou Daijin—the most powerful court position short of Uno no Sarara herself.  For many reasons, it would have been difficult if the Queen felt she needed to take him out of the picture.

    Perhaps then it was fortuitous that in 696 the issue resolved itself, when Royal Prince Takechi passed away.

    This was no doubt a sad event, and yet it also may have set things in motion.  Prince Karu had been born in 683, so he was fourteen years old—still quite young, but old enough.  He was also surrounded by supporters, including his own mother, widow to the late Prince Kusakabe, Royal Princess Abe.

    While it isn’t mentioned in the Nihon Shoki, we get a glimpse of how all this was planned in the Kaifuso, published in 751.  There, in an entry for Prince Kadono, a son of Prince Ohotomo, we are told that after Prince Takechi’s death, Prince Kadono met with Uno no Sarara and others and suggested a course of action.  He encourage Uno no Sarara to pass on the kingdom to Prince Karu, despite his youth.  If true, this is quite the statement from someone whose own father was killed in the Jinshin no Ran, which brought Ohoama and Uno no Sarara to power in the first place.  It appears as though she heeded his advice, setting up what would come next over the following year.

    And so it is from the year after Prince Takechi’s death that we start to really see entries focused on Prince Karu.  In the second month of 697, for instance, we see that Tahema no Mabito no Kunimi was appointed to be Prince Karu’s tutor.  Likewise we see Michi no Mabito no Atomi and Kose no Ason no Ahamochi appointed as director and assistant director of the Spring Palace—the palace for the Crown Prince, the Heir Apparent.  Interestingly, Aston notes that the Nihon Shoki never actually gives an entry for when Prince Karu was named Heir Apparent—it just seems to be assumed.

    Ten days after the new directors were appointed, a public great-congregation was held at the Crown Prince’s palace—here called the Eastern Palace, and I’ll admit I’m not sure if “Eastern Palace” and “Spring Palace” were different names for the same place or what.  I assume these were all part of the newly built Fujiwara Palace, though the most important part is the implications for Prince Karu.  He was being introduced to the court, it seems, with a large congregation at his residence where the court would be expected to acknowledge his position as the crown prince and heir apparent.

    Three months later, we are told that Uno no Sarara grew ill.  The Ministers and various government officials made votive images of the Buddha in an attempt to make merit and help her to recover.  While she would recover from whatever illness she experienced, I suspect that this was something of a wake-up call.  Uno no Sarara was in her early 50s, and she wasn’t getting any younger.  She also lived at a time where she had to realize that many others hadn’t made it as far, and perhaps her illness made her realize that if she was going to do something, she had better do it sooner, rather than later.  And so, just a little more than a month later, on the first day of the 8th month, Uno no Sarara abdicated the throne in favor of her grandchild, Prince Karu, soon to become the next Tennou.

    This isn’t the first time we’ve seen an abdication in the history of Yamato, but it is perhaps the first time we’ve seen it quite like this.  When Takara Hime abdicated, I think we can agree that it was largely under duress.  She had just seen her son lead a bloody coup against the most powerful court nobles, and that really does seem to have shaken her.  No such bloody struggle was happening here, however.  In fact, there is plenty to suggest that avoiding a bloody struggle was exactly Uno no Sarara’s point.  By overseeing Prince Karu’s ascension while she was still around, Queen Uno no Sarara maintained significant control over the process.

    Part of this rested on the fact that when she retired from the position of Tennou she didn’t just become some commoner or retreat to the position of Queen Mother or Dowager Queen or something similar.  Instead, she took on a new titled:  Retired Sovereign, or Dajou-Tennou.  Technically this means that her own title was something like “Greater Sovereign”, compared to Karu’s “sovereign”. 

    This position was new, and may not have even been fully formed at the time of the initial abdication.  Unlike when Takara Hime abdicated, effectively acknowledging that she wasn’t actually in charge, Uno no Sarara was planning to remain an active force in government.  Her grandson would be set up as the formal sovereign, or Tennou.  He would be responsible for the rituals and ensuring everything was properly carried out, but his mother, the Dajou-Tennou, would have a tremendous amount of clout and control.

    By all accounts, this abdication and creation of the “Dajou-Tennou” position really does seem to have been specifically set up for this occasion, to ensure the smooth transition of power.  This way, when Uno no Sarara eventually did pass away, there would be no question about who was seated on the throne.  Given everything she had witnessed—from stories about her how her own father had come to power as well as the events of the Jinshin no Ran and then everything that happened in the aftermath of her own husband’s death—I can understand why Uno no Sarara would have been pre-occupied with the idea of ensuring a smooth transition to the next sovereign.  She likely could not foresee how this new position would be used in the future, and yet it would become something of a staple in the politics of the Japanese court.

    Initially, retired sovereigns were typically doing so for reasons similar to Uno no Sarara—to ensure a smooth transition of power from one to the other and to ensure that the next tennou could be established to avoid instability.  However, it would become something even more.  After all, why wait until your heir is actually ready?  If you are going to be running things, anyway, why not remove yourself from the tedium of ritual while retaining your authority?  And in later centuries we see the tennou retiring younger, leaving younger and younger heirs to hold the actual throne.  There would also be a certain Buddhist aspect to it as well, allowing the retired tennou to be seen as a kind of Golden Wheel Turning Sovereign who was theoretically beyond the material cares of the day to day.  The retired sovereigns would be referred to as “In”, which is likely a reference to the suffix given to their compounds, rather than the common “Miya” or “Gu”.  And so the government under these retired sovereigns would become known as the Insei, or government by cloistered sovereigns, but that system was still in the future.  For now, we are just seeing the seeds of what was to come, eventually.

    To understand this later phase of Uno no Sarara’s life, we need to take our first few steps into a new source:  The Shoku Nihongi.  The Nihon Shoki ceases to describe anything after Uno no Sarara’s abdication, and the official history of Prince Karu’s reign—known to us as Monmu Tennou—is taken up by the Shoku Nihongi.  This is literally the continued Japanese history, and we’ll talk about it in depth at some point.  For now, I would note that it was compiled in 797 – so literally a century after the last entry in the Nihon Shoki.  That said, it likely had much better records to go off of compared to the Nihon Shoki, though it was still likely compiled with a view that was still quite friendly towards the royal family and the position of the Tennou.

    And so, when Uno no Sarara largely disappears from the narrative, I don’t know that we should assume that she had truly gone completely hands off.  After all, with everything we’ve seen, do we think that this is a woman who would just hand the reins over to a fourteen or fifteen year old boy?  And yet the first time she appears is in 701, when she is making a trip to her favorite vacation spot:  the Palace at Yoshino. 

    That said, there were some pretty big events that happened during this period, after her abdication and assumption of the title of Dajou-Tennou.  The biggest was the creation of the Taihou Code.  Once again, this will need a fuller treatment, but the Taihou Code was an update to the Kiyomihara code.  The Asuka-Kiyomihara code was 22 volumes, and focused on  the laws, the “ryou”, but not necessarily the punishments, or “ritsu”.  In contrast the Taihou code was 6 volumes of “ritsu” and 11 volumes of “ryou”, for 17 volumes in total.  Unfortunately, we mostly have scraps of indications here and there, and the codes that came afterwards, which were each based on what came before.  For instance, we do know that they completely overhauled the rank system yet again.  Unlike the Kiyomihara  code, which took years to develop, the compilation of the Taiho code is ordered in 700 and completed by 701—likely because it was really more of an update and a compilation of what was already on the books.

    This was perhaps the most significant thing that happened while Uno no Sarara was still available to exert her influence.  Karu was still only about 19 years old at this point.  He would turn 20 the following year, 702.  That same year, Uno no Sarara would travel all the way out to Mikawa no Kuni, which is the eastern half of the modern prefecture of Aichi.  The royal procession, which started in the 10th month of 702, then made its way back through Owari a month later, and from there up to Mino, and then down to Ise and back through Iga.  The royal procession is first recorded on the 10th day of the 10th month and returned on the 25th day of the 11th month—a round-trip time of roughly 45 days.  Throughout we are told that various ranks and awards were given out to important individuals at each stop.

    Unfortunately, that trip may have taken a toll.  A few weeks later, on the 13th day of the 12th month, Uno no Sarara grew ill.  There was a great amnesty pronounced throughout the realm, and one hundred men took Buddhist vows on her behalf.  They even read the Sutra of Golden Light in the Home Provinces.  Alas, it was all to no avail.  Uno no Sarara passed away on the 22nd day of the 12th month—or January 13th in 703.  It was roughly six years from her abdication.  She would have died with at least some knowledge that the realm was largely in order.  Her grandson was on the  throne and had been ruling for the past six years.  He had attained the age of majority, and things seemed relatively stable.  There was even a new, grand, permanent capital city, just like on the continent.

    But that closes out the life of Uno no Sarara.  She lived in interesting times, experienced tremendous fortune and misfortune, and she put her indelible stamp on the state of Yamato and thus the future of Japan.  There is still more to go over in this period—we have interactions with the Emishi, updates to society, and various impacts to Buddhism.  We’ll also take a look at some more important people from this period, including Kakinomoto no Hitomaru, the famous poet, and the poems of the Man’yoshu, and Fujiwara no Fubito, the son of Nakatomi no Kamatari and the one largely responsible for making the Fujiwara house the most influential house in the entire court.

    Until then if you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts.  If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website,  SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode.

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    Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast.

    And that’s all for now.  Thank you again, and I’ll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo’s Chronicles of Japan.

 

References

  • Bender, Ross L. (2026). Emperors Monmu, Genmei, Genshō: Shoku Nihongi 697-724.

  • Bender, Ross L. (2025). SHOKU NIHONGI 697-791: A Translation of Maki 1-40.

  • Bentley, John R. (2025). Nihon Shoki: The Chronicles of Japan. ISBN 979-8-218634-67-4 pb

  • Duthie, T. (09 Jan. 2014). Man’yōshū and the Imperial Imagination in Early Japan. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill. https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004264540

  • Ooms, H. (2009). Imperial Politics and Symbolics in Ancient Japan: The Tenmu Dynasty, 650-800. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press. https://muse.jhu.edu/book/8316.

  • Aston, W. G. (1972). Nihongi, chronicles of Japan from the earliest times to A.D. 697. London: Allen & Unwin. ISBN 0-80480984-4.

    Websites

  • -, -. (last checked 7/30/2026). 熊野本宮大社. https://www.hongutaisha.jp/

In Podcast Tags Yamato, Japan, Japanese History, Nihon Shoki, Jito Tenno, Fujiwara Palace, Fujiwara Capital, Fujiwara-kyo, Kiyomihara Code, Kumano, Kumano Taisha, Kii, Mikawa, Iga, Ise, Owari, Mino, Monmu Tenno, Karu, Princess Asuka, Nihon, Asuka
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